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Posts Tagged ‘Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’

Iran’s ex-president attacks regime

Iranian riot police used batons and teargas today to break up defiant protests after prayers in Tehran, where Hashemi Rafsanjani, one of the country’s most powerful clerics, warned that the regime was “in crisis” and urged a release of prisoners detained in post-election unrest.

Rafsanjani, a bitter rival of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, broke his month-long silence to issue a stark warning that the Islamic Republic had lost popular support. His carefully crafted address stopped short of directly attacking Khamenei or Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose victory in June’s presidential poll has been widely denounced as a fraud. But its message was still strong.

“Today is a bitter day,” Rafsanjani declared from the pulpit at Tehran University’s sprawling prayer ground. “People have lost their faith in the regime and their trust is damaged. It’s necessary to regain people’s consent and restore their trust in the regime. Everyone has lost.”

Mir Hossein Mousavi, the moderate former prime minister who says he won the election, sat in the front row with other VIPs as Rafsanjani spoke. Mehdi Karoubi, a reformist cleric who was also a candidate, was there too — and was jostled by thugs afterwards.

Mousavi and Karoubi both insist the Ahmadinejad government is illegitimate. Khamenei has publicly backed the incumbent, hoping to see off the biggest challenge to the regime since the Iranian revolution 30 years ago.

Tens of thousands of Mousavi supporters, many wearing the green wristbands that became the symbol of his election campaign, packed the prayer ground, the stage for a peculiarly Iranian combination of religion and politics, prayer and agitprop. Rafsanjani’s first sermon since the disputed election was keenly awaited but was not broadcast on state TV. Foreign media access is now severely restricted. The mobile phone network was again completely blocked to disrupt communications between demonstrators .

“Doubt has been created [about the results],” Rafsanjani said. “There is a large portion of wise people who say they have doubts. We need to take action to remove this doubt. Where people are not present or their vote is not considered, that government is not Islamic.”

This passage needed little decoding: Khamenei and the guardian council, a clerical body which supervises elections, have declared the contest free and fair, dashing hopes of a re-run. Still, Rafsanjani – often accused of sitting on the fence – did not call outright for an annulment.

His words were repeatedly interrupted by slogans from the rival camps as well as by whiffs of teargas fired by security forces and which drifted in from the surrounding streets. Hardliners chanted the traditional “death to America” while opposition supporters countered with azadi (freedom) as well as “death to Russia” – a reference to the government’s ties to Moscow.

The chanting died away only after the speaker urged the crowd “not to contaminate the position and the sanctuary of Friday prayers”. Rafsanjani wept as he spoke of prisoners, and of the Prophet Muhammad as one who brought justice, and a man who “protected the rights of all those under his rule” – more thinly-veiled criticism of the government.

“Rafsanjani’s main message was for Ayatollah Khamenei,” said the analyst Baqer Moin. “Rafsanjani wanted to tell him, ‘You’d better be humble and try to find a way out of the current crisis.’”

The crowd at Friday prayers is usually made up extremely conservative government loyalists. But many Mousavi supporters were young women wearing the loose hijab head-covering shunned by the devout. Some had green-painted fingernails.

“This was not a normal Friday prayer,” said Fariba, a 24-year-old student. “The regime has killed people and we have got more united. They have not silenced us. Ironically, I thank Ahmadinejad for making us unite against him.”

The crackdown on the media was only partially effective. An unprecedented number of videos posted on YouTube on a single day showed masked protesters starting fires in the streets, or handing out flowers to policemen.

Teargas was fired at Mousavi supporters on their way to prayer but clashes with police and basij militia intensified afterwards. At least 20 people were arrested, witnesses said. Among those detained was Shadi Sadr, the prominent women’s activist and human rights lawyer.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Rafsanjani attacks Tehran regime

Iranian riot police used batons and teargas today to break up defiant protests after prayers in Tehran, where Hashemi Rafsanjani, one of the country’s most powerful clerics, warned that the regime was “in crisis” and urged a release of prisoners detained in post-election unrest.

Rafsanjani, a bitter rival of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, broke his month-long silence to issue a stark warning that the Islamic Republic had lost popular support. His carefully crafted address stopped short of directly attacking Khamenei or Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose victory in June’s presidential poll has been widely denounced as a fraud. But its message was still strong.

“Today is a bitter day,” Rafsanjani declared from the pulpit at Tehran University’s sprawling prayer ground. “People have lost their faith in the regime and their trust is damaged. It’s necessary to regain people’s consent and restore their trust in the regime. Everyone has lost.”

Mir Hossein Mousavi, the moderate former prime minister who says he won the election, sat in the front row with other VIPs as Rafsanjani spoke. Mehdi Karoubi, a reformist cleric who was also a candidate, was there too — and was jostled by thugs afterwards.

Mousavi and Karoubi both insist the Ahmadinejad government is illegitimate. Khamenei has publicly backed the incumbent, hoping to see off the biggest challenge to the regime since the Iranian revolution 30 years ago.

Tens of thousands of Mousavi supporters, many wearing the green wristbands that became the symbol of his election campaign, packed the prayer ground, the stage for a peculiarly Iranian combination of religion and politics, prayer and agitprop. Rafsanjani’s first sermon since the disputed election was keenly awaited but was not broadcast on state TV. Foreign media access is now severely restricted. The mobile phone network was again completely blocked to disrupt communications between demonstrators .

“Doubt has been created [about the results],” Rafsanjani said. “There is a large portion of wise people who say they have doubts. We need to take action to remove this doubt. Where people are not present or their vote is not considered, that government is not Islamic.”

This passage needed little decoding: Khamenei and the guardian council, a clerical body which supervises elections, have declared the contest free and fair, dashing hopes of a re-run. Still, Rafsanjani – often accused of sitting on the fence – did not call outright for an annulment.

His words were repeatedly interrupted by slogans from the rival camps as well as by whiffs of teargas fired by security forces and which drifted in from the surrounding streets. Hardliners chanted the traditional “death to America” while opposition supporters countered with azadi (freedom) as well as “death to Russia” – a reference to the government’s ties to Moscow.

The chanting died away only after the speaker urged the crowd “not to contaminate the position and the sanctuary of Friday prayers”. Rafsanjani wept as he spoke of prisoners, and of the Prophet Muhammad as one who brought justice, and a man who “protected the rights of all those under his rule” – more thinly-veiled criticism of the government.

“Rafsanjani’s main message was for Ayatollah Khamenei,” said the analyst Baqer Moin. “Rafsanjani wanted to tell him, ‘You’d better be humble and try to find a way out of the current crisis.’”

The crowd at Friday prayers is usually made up extremely conservative government loyalists. But many Mousavi supporters were young women wearing the loose hijab head-covering shunned by the devout. Some had green-painted fingernails.

“This was not a normal Friday prayer,” said Fariba, a 24-year-old student. “The regime has killed people and we have got more united. They have not silenced us. Ironically, I thank Ahmadinejad for making us unite against him.”

The crackdown on the media was only partially effective. An unprecedented number of videos posted on YouTube on a single day showed masked protesters starting fires in the streets, or handing out flowers to policemen.

Teargas was fired at Mousavi supporters on their way to prayer but clashes with police and basij militia intensified afterwards. At least 20 people were arrested, witnesses said. Among those detained was Shadi Sadr, the prominent women’s activist and human rights lawyer.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Esfandiar Rahim Mashaie Appointed Iran’s First Vice President

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has appointed Esfandiar Rahim Mashaie to be the country’s new first vice president, AFP reports. Mashaie came under fire in Iran last year for saying the nation was a friend of Israel.

Mashaie a year ago …

Fan the flames

Protesters in Tehran, Iran, on 17 July 2009

By Jon Leyne
BBC News

Under the headline of a call for unity, former Iranian President Ali Akbar Rafsanjani has actually ensured that the divisions in Iran will continue and possibly increase.

Mr Rafsanjani’s first public comments since the election were eagerly awaited.

It was clear the government was extremely nervous: media coverage of Friday prayers was restricted.

Some journalists and opposition supporters reported problems over being allowed access to the ceremony at Tehran University.

No doubt there was a fierce battle behind the scenes for him to be allowed to speak.

Open challenge

Since the election more moderate voices appear to have been sidelined as the rota of Friday prayer speakers was drawn up.

Even some opposition members were uncertain about whether he would offer them support.

Former Iranian President Ali Akbar Rafsanjani in Tehran, Iran, on 17 July 2009

In the end they may be satisfied that he kept their grievances alive.

By calling for an open debate about the election result, Mr Rafsanjani was almost openly challenging the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Four weeks ago, from the same pulpit, Mr Khamenei called for an end to discussion about an election result which he declared had been blessed by God.

Former President Rafsanjani played his trump card, by referring to his friendship with the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini.

He quoted Ayatollah Khomeini in ways that appeared to support the opposition’s right to demonstrate.

Mr Rafsanjani even called for protesters who have been arrested to be released from prison.

Ahmadinejad weakened

Outside, the government was illustrating that it deeply disagrees with him.

Tear gas was used against opposition supporters outside Tehran University, and there was a number of arrests.

Protesters in Tehran, Iran, on 17 July 2009

But once again the opposition demonstrated its ability to get out supporters in large numbers.

One website claimed there were millions of opposition followers on the streets of Tehran, though with foreign media access limited, that is impossible to verify.

So the deadlock continues.

While the opposition demonstrations go on, there is no sign that they will remove President Ahmadinejad.

The president is set to move into his second term, with his inauguration on 2 August, but his authority could be severely weakened.

Deep trouble

Former President Rafsanjani presented a five-point plan to escape from the deadlock, including the release of prisoners and media freedom.

The plan is unlikely to be welcomed by the government.

IRAN UNREST

  • 12 June Presidential election saw incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 63% of vote
  • Main challenger Mir Hossein Mousavi called for result to be annulled, alleging poll fraud
  • Mass street protests saw at least 20 people killed, hundreds arrested, and foreign media restricted

Q&A: Election aftermath

Guide: How Iran is ruled

Send us your comments

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (left) and Mir Hossein Mousavi

One of the most interesting points is almost a footnote.

These were just his personal ideas, said Mr Rafsanjani, but they were based on consultation with senior figures in the establishment.

That is one more indication that this is not just an argument between the Iranian public and those who rule them.

It is a deep division at the heart of the Islamic Republic.

And it could be the institutions of the Iranian government that break the deadlock.

There is the assembly of experts, a body of senior clerics chaired by Mr Rafsanjani.

In theory they have the job of "monitoring the performance" of the Supreme Leader, or even dismissing him.

It is a powerful tool that so far Mr Rafsanjani has not brought into play – at least not publicly.

More immediately the parliament, the Majlis, has the job of approving Mr Ahmadinejad’s new cabinet, which he must nominate after his second term begins.

Mr Ahmadinejad has hinted that he is going to shake up his administration.

If he does so by appointing only loyal members of his inner circle, he may cause himself deep trouble with parliament.

So despite the calls for unity, it is difficult to see any grounds for compromise in this crisis, the flames having once again been fanned by Mr Rafsanjani’s comments.</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Rafsanjani attacks Tehran regime

Police clash with tens of thousands of protesters as cleric uses Friday prayers to claim people have lost faith with regime

One of Iran’s most powerful clerics today attacked the Iranian government for its handling of protests and unrest that followed the disputed presidential election result. But even as Hashemi Rafsanjani made his comments, police were firing teargas and wielding batons to disperse tens of thousands of opposition supporters.

In a closely watched speech at Friday prayers, Rafsanjani abandoned his neutral stance since the 12 June poll and rounded on the regime.

“Today is a bitter day,” he said at Tehran University. “People have lost their faith in the regime and their trust is damaged. It’s necessary that we regain people’s consent and their trust in the regime.”

Rafsanjani criticised the arrest and detention of protesters, and attacked the lack of freedom of expression. He expressed sympathy for the families of dead protesters, and ended his remarks by saying: “I hope this sermon will pave a way out of this current situation. A situation that can be considered a crisis.”

His comments came during his sermon before tens of thousands of opposition supporters. The opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi sat in the front row, while Rafsanjani, a pragmatic former president who sits on two clerical ruling bodies, spoke.

The opposition packed the university prayer hall in a show of strength at the weekly Islamic prayers – one of Iran’s most important and symbolic political platforms. Rafsanjani’s first sermon since the election was broadcast live on radio in Iran.

The vast crowd of mostly opposition supporters and some government supporters packed the prayer hall and shouted competing slogans. Hardliners chanted “death to America” while opposition supporters countered with “death to Russia”, referring to the Iranian government’s ties to Moscow. Many pro-reform worshippers wore green headbands or wristbands or had prayer rugs in green – the colour of the opposition movement.

The Friday prayers were the first attended by Mousavi since the election. He claims to have won the popular vote and that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s victory was fraudulent.

Mousavi has insisted the Ahmadinejad government is illegitimate. But the country’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has publicly backed Ahmadinejad. Hardliners in the clerical leadership have demanded that the public fall in line behind Khamenei, hoping to put behind them the biggest challenge to their rule since the Iranian revolution 30 years ago.

During Rafsanjani’s sermon the crowd inside the hall in Tehran University could be heard via state radio chanting, “Mousavi, Mousavi, we support you.”

The chants died away after the cleric quietened the crowd, urging them “not to contaminate the position and the sanctuary of Friday prayers by comments and slogans”.

Rafsanjani is one of four senior clerics who lead Friday prayers, though he had not done so for two months.

Outside Tehran University police fired teargas at Mousavi supporters who were demanding the release of detainees in the biggest anti-government protest since the mass demonstrations that immediately followed the contested election.

At least 15 people were arrested, witnesses said. The ceremony in central Tehran attracted greater numbers than usual. Worshippers can listen to the sermon through loudspeakers outside the university grounds. A senior cleric had earlier called for calm during the prayers, state radio said, in a sign of the religious establishment’s concern about possible unrest.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Iran unrest dead may reach hundreds

Woman claims to have seen piles of corpses, as tension rises in Tehran over Rafsanjani speech

Hundreds more people may have died in Iran’s post-election unrest than the authorities have admitted, amid allegations that the death toll has been obscured by hiding victims’ bodies in secret morgues.

Human rights campaigners say anecdotal evidence suggests the number of demonstrators killed in clashes with government forces after last month’s poll was far higher than the official death toll of 20 and may amount to a “massacre”.

Suspicions have been fuelled after one woman described seeing corpses piled on top of each other in a refrigeration depot while searching for a missing relative. Another woman was shown pictures of between 50 and 60 people, all said to have died, while searching for her son.

The claims came as Tehran prepares for another day of tension tomorrow when the influential former president Hashemi Rafsanjani addresses Friday prayers at Tehran University. Hardline supporters of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad – who was controversially re-elected in the election on 12 June that opponents say was “stolen” – have threatened to disrupt the event, at which Rafsanjani is expected to speak in support of his ally Mir Hossein Mousavi, the defeated reformist candidate, who will attend the event.

The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran accused the government of obfuscating casualty numbers by frightening victims’ families into silence. The true picture had emerged from hospital statistics and testimony from families who refused to keep quiet, it said.

“It’s hard to put a figure on it because most of the families involved are scared to talk,” Aaron Rhodes of the campaign told the Guardian. “But if you put together the evidence of the families that have spoken, along with eyewitness reports and data from hospitals, there could be well over a hundred fatalities.”

The campaign said that on 20 June – the day after Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, warned that the demonstrations must stop – three Tehran hospitals placed a total of 34 dead demonstrators in their morgues.

The authorities put that day’s fatalities at 11. Doctors have reported being stopped from signing death certificates by military commanders, who then ordered the corpses removed.

The security forces have acknowledged carrying out more than 2,000 arrests during the crackdown on the mass protests against Ahmadinejad’s re-election. Some detainees have been released but many are still unaccounted for.

The Norooz website – linked to Iran’s largest reformist party, the Islamic Participation Front – described how a mother searching for her missing child was sent to a facility normally used for preserving fruit and dairy produce on the outskirts of Tehran. After leafing through a photograph album of presumed victims, she was shown into a room containing what she described as “hundreds” of dead bodies. “Although I didn’t find my child’s body, on seeing all those corpses dumped on top of each other, I passed out,” the unnamed woman said.

Mousavi showed solidarity with relatives of the dead earlier this week when he visited the home of Sohrab Aarabi, 19, whose body was recovered nearly a month after he died of gunshot wounds at a mass demonstration in Tehran on 15 June.

Aarabi’s mother, Parvin Fahimi – a member of an organisation called Mothers for Peace – has described how after weeks of searching for her son she was summoned by a revolutionary court and shown pictures of between 50 and 60 people, all said to have died. The pictures included Sohrab, whom she had previously thought might be in detention.

Some families have reported being harassed into signing pledges agreeing that their loved ones died accidentally or of natural causes. Others say they have been forced to declare that the victims belonged to the Basij militia, which was used to suppress the demonstrations.

In one case, a family reported receiving their son’s corpse encased in concrete to hide signs of injuries.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds



‘Key public show’ for Iran poll contender

Mir-Hossein Mousavi before elections

Iran’s defeated opposition presidential candidate, Mir Hossein Mousavi, says he will make his first public appearance for several weeks at Friday prayers.

In a message to supporters on his web site, Mr Mousavi said he would attend congregational prayers at Tehran University as a show of solidarity.

The sermon is due to be delivered by former president and critic of the re-elected president, Hashemi Rafsanjani.

Mr Mousavi’s supporters bitterly dispute the result of the 12 June poll.

"I will join the lines on Friday as I feel obliged to respond to the call of companions on the path to protecting rights to a noble and free life," Mr Mousavi said on Ghalamnews website.

Another defeated candidate Mehdi Karroubi said he would join the congregation at what will be Mr Rafsanjani’s first sermon in more than two months, reports say.

‘Landslide victory’

Massive street protests followed the presidential election in which at least 20 people were killed in violence and hundreds were arrested, according to official figures.

Mr Mousavi vowed on Wednesday not to let the blood of protesters killed by security forces and pro-government militias be spilt in vain, a reformist website reported.

He was speaking during a visit to the family of Sohrab Arabi, a teenager killed in protests.

The country’s most senior political figure, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, upheld Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s landslide victory and demanded an end to protest.

Correspondents say it is not clear whether Mr Mousavi’s supporters will manage to gather in large numbers around the university in Enghelab Square on Friday, where some of the largest post-election demonstrations took place.

Pro-government media have been warning about the possibility of "provocation" at Friday prayers.

One newspaper called on worshippers "not to be deceived and reject those who shout divisive slogans".</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

David Paul: Who Will Win the Next Phase in Iran, Ahmadinejad or Iraq’s Ayatollah Ali Sistani?

We have yet to see what the Iranian regime will be prepared to do in the face of real opposition. After all, the leaders of…

Khamenei’s son to lead Iran militia

• Mojtaba Khamenei’s move dismays clerics and Revolutionary Guard generals
• Tehran doctor says death toll much higher than official figure

The son of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has taken control of the militia being used to crush the protest movement, according to a senior Iranian source.

The source, a politician with strong connections to the security apparatus, said that the leading role being played by Mojtaba Khamenei had dismayed many of the country’s senior clerics, conservative politicians and Revolutionary Guard generals.

But these conservatives are reluctant to challenge the Khameneis openly out of fear that any conflict would destabilise the Islamic Republic and weaken Iran in the region. Instead they will use their positions in the organs of state to make it hard for the supreme leader and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to govern.

“This game has not finished. The game has only just started,” the source said, on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of his own position in Iran.

He said Mojtaba had played a leading role in orchestrating Ahmadinejad’s disputed election victory on 12 June and had led the backlash against protests through direct control of street militias, known as basiji.

The official death toll from that backlash is less than 20 but, according to a Tehran doctor who has given his account to the Guardian, the actual number is much higher – 38 in the first week at his hospital alone. He said the basiji covered up the deaths and pressured doctors not to talk.

“Mojtaba is the commander of this coup d’etat. The basiji are operating on Mojtaba’s orders, but his name is always hidden in all of this. The government never mentions him,” the Iranian politician said. “Everyone is angry about this. The maraji [Iran's most senior ayatollahs] and the clerics are angry, the conservatives are very angry and strongly critical of Mojtaba. This situation cannot continue with so many people on the top against it.”

Very little is known about Mojtaba Khamenei. He is the supreme leader’s second son, reportedly being groomed to succeed his father. Such a dynastic succession would be very hard under present circumstances as the leader is supposed to be chosen by a clerical assembly of experts on the basis of the candidate’s religious standing. Mojtaba wears clerical robes but by no means has the theological status to rise to the top job. A major upheaval in the clerical establishment would be required to arrange it.

Within Iran, Mojtaba is widely believed to control huge financial assets. There are claims on Iranian dissident websites that the current anti-British campaign in Tehran is motivated in part by Britain’s announcement on 18 June that it had frozen nearly £1bn in Iranian assets, in accordance with UN and EU sanctions. The frozen funds included a lot of Mojtaba’s money, it is claimed.

Mojtaba’s name does not appear on the Treasury’s list of targets of those sanctions, but one British official said the supreme leader’s son may operate through state-run enterprises that are listed. “I’d be amazed if some of the money wasn’t his,” the official said.

The Iranian politician who spoke to the Guardian said the supreme leader had long been leaking support among the religious hierarchy on which his powerbase was once built and had now virtually lost it altogether. Among the roughly 20 maraji (“sources of emulation”, from whose ranks the supreme leader is supposed to be chosen), he said Khamenei could only rely on the support of a handful.

He said that an axis of lay conservatives in important positions would also try to hinder Ahmadinejad’s efforts to wield power. That axis includes Ali Larijani, the parliamentary speaker, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, the Tehran mayor, and Mohsen Rezai, one of the defeated presidential candidates and the secretary of the expediency council, which mediates disputes between the clerical and lay state institutions. They would be supported by the opposition’s most powerful backer behind the scenes, former president Hashemi Rafsanjani, head of the expediency council and the assembly of experts.

The Iranian source also claimed there were splits in another pillar of the Islamic Republic, the Revolutionary Guard. The overall commander, General Ali Jafari, and the Tehran province commander, General Ali Fazli, were opposed to Mojtaba’s power grab.

He said the hardline statements issued in the Revolutionary Guard’s name, threatening a “decisive confrontation” with protesters, were the work of the political and public relations departments, which are under the direct control of Ahmadinejad, and did not represent a united position. That is a controversial claim. Most analyses have presented the Revolutionary Guard as monolithic and entirely behind the regime.

For revolutionary stalwarts uneasy over the direction of the regime, open rebellion was unthinkable, the politician said. “For them, the red line is the stability of the country,” he said. “They will continue softly.”

He said this hidden internecine struggle would last a considerable period and the outcome was far from clear. The only certainty was that the Khameneis and Ahmadinejad had not yet won. “They control things on the surface,” he said. “But Iranians are not sheep.”

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