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Posts Tagged ‘Civil liberties’

Police tactics at Kingsnorth criticised

Official review says orders were not communicated properly, leading to indiscriminate use of stop and search on activists

Kent police’s blanket use of stop-and-search powers on thousands of environmental activists at the Kingsnorth demonstration was “disproportionate and counterproductive”, according to an official review into the force’s handling of protests released today.

A total of 8,218 searches were carried out on protesters at the week-long demonstration last August against the energy company E.ON’s proposed coal-fired power-station, after orders from senior commanders were misinterpreted “as an instruction to search everyone”.

Although “huge amounts of property were seized” during the climate camp protests, only 2,000 stop-and-search forms – fewer than 25% – were legible. The report said this raised questions about the competence of police officers and their understanding of the law.

Most protesters were stopped under section 1 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act (Pace), which requires officers to have reasonable suspicion that an individual is carrying prohibited weapons or articles that could be used for criminal damage.

David Howarth, the Liberal Democrat justice spokesman, echoed the report’s findings when he said: “This is yet another example of the disproportionate use of stop and search, and shows how, even on the report’s own narrow terms, this tactic is totally counterproductive.”

The scale of the stop-and-search operation came to light in two inquiries by the National Policing Improvement Agency (NPIA) into Kent police’s £5.3m operation, the largest of its kind in the UK last year. More than 1,400 officers were drafted in from 24 forces to assist with the operation, codenamed Oasis, on the Hoo peninsula.

The Kent force has come under sustained criticism for its management of the demonstration, after allegations of brutality by officers who had covered their badge numbers and concern that police used “psychological operations”, including playing loud music at night to deprive activists of sleep.

The force was also forced to apologise after an investigation by the Guardian established its officers had placed journalists covering the demonstration under surveillance.

The reports – an initial debrief by the NPIA and a broader review conducted on its behalf by South Yorkshire police – found the Kingsnorth operation was “in the main successful” because it had stopped protesters getting on to the site and ensured there was “no interruption to power supply”. However, many of the concerns put forward by demonstrators appear to be substantiated in its findings.

The reviews paint a picture of widespread breakdown in communication, with police officers from visiting forces given hardly any explanation about why they had been deployed by Kent. They found officers on the ground were under-trained, did not understand their powers, lacked knowledge of basic public order terminology and were given outdated intelligence.

The reports were most critical of the stop-and-search policy, which saw all protesters made to line up in airport-style checkpoints to be searched going to and from the camp. Commanders, the review reveals, initially told officers that “personal grounds must be justified and no blanket power approach is to be taken” when searching under section 1 of Pace. But they were then told “that the camp is illegal and the intention of the camp is to commit damage, hence the grounds for searching attendees to the camp is made”, which resulted in almost every activist being searched multiple times.

The reports said this resulted in a “vicious cycle”, “moving non-activists closer to resistance and violence on account of tactics they saw hard to accept as justified by the police. With this developing crowd dynamic of hostility, intelligence then presented a worsening picture, which provided more grounds to search camp attendees.”

A list of more than 2,000 possessions taken from protesters, released under the Freedom of Information Act, revealed that, in a supposed attempt to prevent activists causing injury or taking a nearby river, officers took packets of balloons, tents, a clown’s outfit, camping equipment, cycle helmets and bike locks, bin bags, party poppers, leaflets and soap.

The NPIA debrief was particularly critical of the failure of officers to write legibly. “The fact that so many forms were submitted in such poor quality also raises questions regarding the effectiveness of supervision and the overall knowledge of policing powers, which was felt to be lacking.”

Kent police’s chief constable, Michael Fuller, welcomed the “numerous areas of good practice”, while accepting that there were some lessons to learn. “While many of the recommendations made to us have already been adopted in the intervening 12 months, there is still work to be done either within Kent or in conjunction with other forces or agencies.”

The review recommended the Kent force should have worked more closely with E.ON. However, Howarth said it was not the police’s job to take the side of companies during legitimate protest.

“It is quite wrong to suggest that the police should have worked more closely from the start with the energy company. The police are not a private security firm. Their job is to act in the public interest, and the public interest includes the right to protest.”

The report also said the government should consider introducing new legislation to allow a senior officer to authorise stop and search where “widespread acts of criminal damage was likely”. But Howarth dismissed the recommendation. “It is bizarre to suggest that the right response to excessive use of stop and search should be a change in the law to make stop and search more widely available.”

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Arguments the left has to win

We must settle our differences on issues from nuclear weapons to healthcare if we are to exert pressure on the policy makers

This week James Purnell launched a Demos project, Open Left, which is asking what it means to be on the left today. To understand the difficulties that face the left you have to start way back. For almost 10 years a consensus has developed within the three main parties inspired by the Thatcher counter-revolution, which argued that government should keep out of industry and leave everything to the market.

It was that very policy that led to the present economic crisis and which has had a dramatic effect on the level of Labour support in two ways: a falling turnout for Labour and the emergence of the BNP.

The present government has many achievements of which we can be proud, not least on the environment, but the party is seen as offering management rather than representation. Policies worked out on the sofas in Whitehall will not, in my opinion, make much of a contribution to the rebuilding of confidence among the voters.

Nor indeed will sectarian strife on the left help.

More and more people worldwide now see that the basic conflict is between the majority who create the wealth and the handful who own it and want jobs and homes, good healthcare and education, decent pensions and peace.

From where I see it now, outside parliament, the reconstruction of a strong left has to begin by developing powerful campaigns centred on the issues that concern people, which can bring in support from across the whole political spectrum.

The Stop the War movement, which has been one of the most successful in my lifetime, enjoyed the backing of conservatives, liberals, greens, as well as those on the left, and will ultimately win a majority for a policy of withdrawal from Afghanistan.

Now some generals are coming out against nuclear weapons at the moment when we are being told we may have to spend billions to upgrade them. This project is the most obvious candidate for a cut in public expenditure.

Housing is another example. We see a long housing waiting list and unemployed builders who cannot be financed because the money is going to the bankers, some of whom are getting huge bonuses, paid for by taxation.

Similarly there is great anxiety about the deliberate privatisation of the public services – which we have seen in academies and the private financing of hospital building – which leaves them outside any democratic control.

It is the same with civil liberties that have been eroded and state pensions which are still dropping behind the earnings with which they were once linked.

Then there is taxation – where the modest increase announced for wealthier people has been denounced by the City but it is nothing compared to the highest level when Churchill left office in 1945 – 95%, justified on the grounds that the money was needed to fight the war and that the rich should share the burdens that others had to bear. These arguments apply to the present economic crisis.

We have to win these arguments if we are to retain power next year.

And that means there has to be much more pressure from below on the policy makers in Downing Street. Out of such pressure will come a revitalised left renewing its commitment to serve those it has always sought to represent.

For the first time in my life the public is more progressive on all these issues than New Labour.

Democracy is the buckle that links the streets to the statute book and to renew the left, democracy must be strengthened in a world increasingly dominated by forces we do not control.

Letters to my Grandchildren, by Tony Benn, will be published in October by Hutchinson

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Police powers for 2012 Olympics alarm critics

• Civil rights activists say new law curbs free speech
• Rules could allow officials to raid private homes

The government was accused tonight of giving itself draconian powers to clamp down on protests at the 2012 Olympics. Critics said the powers were so broad they would potentially give private contractors the right to forcibly enter people’s homes and seize materials.

Opposition parties and civil liberties groups criticised the powers as top security officials announced plans concerned with keeping the games, to be held mostly in London, safe from terrorist attack and from “domestic extremists” and public order problems like disruptive protests.

The legislation is directed at curbing advertising near the Olympic venues. A government spokesperson said the laws, passed in 2006, were meant to stop “over-commercialisation” of the games.

But civil rights campaigners are worried about several clauses in the London Olympic Games and Games Act 2006. Section 19(4) could cover protest placards, they said, as it read: “The regulations may apply in respect of advertising of any kind including in particular – (a) advertising of a non-commercial nature, and (b) announcements or notices of any kind.”

Section 22 allows a “constable or enforcement officer” to “enter land or premises” where they believe such an advert is being shown or produced. It allows for materials to be destroyed, and for the use of “reasonable force”. The power to force entry requires a court warrant. Causing still further concern is a section granting the powers to an enforcement officer appointed by Olympic Delivery Authority.

Anita Coles, policy officer for Liberty, said: “This goes much further than protecting the Olympic logo for commercial use. Regulations could ban signs urging boycotts of sponsors with sweat shops. Then private contractors designated by the Olympic authority could enter homes and other premises in the vicinity, seizing or destroying private property.”

The Liberal Democrats’ home affairs spokesman, Chris Huhne, said: “This sort of police action runs the risk of using a sledgehammer to crack a nut. The police should take a deep breath and read the excellent report from the chief inspector of constabulary on the tolerance of protest. We should aim to show the Chinese that you can run a successful Olympics without cracking down on protesters and free speech.”

Chris Grayling, the shadow home secretary, said: “This is a government who just doesn’t understand civil liberties – they may claim these powers won’t be used but the frank truth is no one will believe them. Neither the police nor any other official should be invading people’s homes for what appear to be commercial reasons.”

A senior government security official said the powers would not be used to suppress protests or political placards. And the assistant commissioner, Chris Alison, in charge of the policing of the 2012 Olympics, said: “We are not going into people’s houses to stop people protesting.”

But Peter McNeil, who opposes the staging of equestrian events in Greenwich park, told BBC London: “This is dreadful. It’s bullying taken to another level.”

A spokesperson for the Department for Culture, Media and Sport said the legal provisions on games advertising were meant to “prevent ambush marketing – not prevent or restrict lawful protests”.

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Politics Weekly: phone hacking

The morning we meet for Politics Weekly, the Guardian had just broken news that another paper, the News of the World, may have hacked into the phones of thousands of public figures, paying off one victim, with a cool £700,000… Observer columnist Henry Porter tells us what it means.

We cover the pressing political angle: the editor of the paper until 2007 – Andy Coulson – is the current press adviser to Cameron and as things go, could be spinning from number 10 within the year. Henry knows Coulson and – after vouching for Coulson’s likeability – thinks that whether he knew about or not his position may be untenable. Porter’s co-columnist from the Obs has a different point. For Nick Cohen, the story sets back the campaign for freedom speech being waged against overly powerful libel laws.

Then we cover attempts to reform two almighty institutions – the boys in blue and peers with blue blood (translation of florid description: the police and the Lords).

In the wake of another report into police responsibility for the death of newspaper vendor Ian Tomlinson at the G20 protests, Porter believes the lack of transparency surrounding how the police made their decision makes the case for elected police officials even more pressing. Cohen questions how much the mayor of London Boris Johnson knew – after all the mayor sits on the Metropolitan Police Authority.

Then to reform of the House of Lords. They’ve spent 13 years promising it and next week we will finally get their last attempt at it – a bill will be published that will, at the very least, abolish the principle of hereditary peers. But is that enough? And even if the government were to propose further reforms, do they have the political time, capital and chutzpah to get any more fundamental reforms through? Michael White marvels at the Lords energy and commitment and thinks they will survive. But aroud the table, the answer all round has only two letters.

And as the death toll continues to rise in Afghanistan, we ask is there a a plan? Nick thinks they are fighting a just war, but wonders if Afghanistan can afford its level of commitment. Henry Porter thinks the problem is that there is no clear strategy.

Tuck in.


Who wants Ireland’s blasphemy law?

New rules which forbid causing ‘outrage’ among religious people have baffled Ireland. We were getting along just fine without them

I’m not sure which piece of unpopular Irish news is being buried by which: the announcement of a second referendum on the Lisbon treaty, or the shuffling through of a law creating penalties for blasphemy, an offence that has never properly existed in the Irish state.

While there is certainly a store of resentment in the population at being asked to vote again (that is: vote properly, you morons, as the government is barely holding back from saying) on the Lisbon treaty, there is a certain sense of bafflement at the new blasphemy legislation, smuggled in under the guise of defamation law reform. Nobody wanted this law: no one can think of a single thundering priest, austere vicar, irate rabbi or miffed mullah ever calling for tougher penalties for blasphemy. Certainly there were the frequent, and frequently ignored missives from Armagh, warning the Irish not to abandon God for 4x4s and Nintendo Wiis. And there was widespread dismay when popular comic Tommy Tiernan pushed the Bible-baiting a bit too far on the Late Late Show. But never did anyone suggest we needed tough blasphemy laws. Until the justice minister, Dermot Ahern, decided we needed to fill the “void” left by our lack of one.

Technically, Ahern is correct that Bunreacht na hÉireann requires that blasphemy be a criminal offence. However, no one ever bothered to formulate what the exact offence might be, and we muddled on for quite a long time without anyone worrying about this (perhaps, as a friend pointed out to me, because all blasphemous material was grabbed by the all-powerful censors long before it could ever get to court). In 1999, there was an attempt to prosecute a newspaper for a cartoon mocking the church, but the judge in that case noted that he could not prosecute, because there was no definition of what legally constituted blasphemy. Well now there is. And it concerns itself with what might or might not cause “outrage among a substantial number of the adherents of [a] religion” (note, not just Christianity, as was the case with English blasphemy law: this is, at least, equal opportunities idiocy).

As Michael Nugent of Atheist Ireland has pointed out:

The proposed law does not protect religious belief; it incentivises outrage and it criminalises free speech. Under this proposed law, if a person expresses one belief about gods, and other people think that this insults a different belief about gods, then these people can become outraged, and this outrage can make it illegal for the first person to express his or her beliefs.

So Irish law has now enshrined the notion that the taking of offence is more important than free expression. If something might cause a motivated group to be “outraged”, rather than, say, cause them to live in fear, then it is illegal, with a fine of up to €25,000 payable.

Note the ease with which a prosecution could be brought, and the punitive nature of the fine: this is not legislation that simply serves to tie up a few loose ends.

The minister claimed that his only alternative to this legislation was to have a referendum. This again, is technically true: any constitutional changes in Ireland require this. But the minister dismissed the notion of organising a referendum as being too costly in these straitened times.

Yet today, we are told there is to be another Lisbon referendum in October. Wouldn’t it have been sensible to hold both the Lisbon referendum and a referendum on the abolition of the concept of blasphemy from the constitution on the same day, cutting down on costs? Wouldn’t it, minister?

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Who wants Ireland’s blasphemy law?

New rules which forbid causing ‘outrage’ among religious people have baffled Ireland. We were getting along just fine without them

I’m not sure which piece of unpopular Irish news is being buried by which: the announcement of a second referendum on the Lisbon treaty, or the shuffling through of a law creating penalties for blasphemy, an offence that has never properly existed in the Irish state.

While there is certainly a store of resentment in the population at being asked to vote again (that is: vote properly, you morons, as the government is barely holding back from saying) on the Lisbon treaty, there is a certain sense of bafflement at the new blasphemy legislation, smuggled in under the guise of defamation law reform. Nobody wanted this law: no one can think of a single thundering priest, austere vicar, irate rabbi or miffed mullah ever calling for tougher penalties for blasphemy. Certainly there were the frequent, and frequently ignored missives from Armagh, warning the Irish not to abandon God for 4x4s and Nintendo Wiis. And there was widespread dismay when popular comic Tommy Tiernan pushed the Bible-baiting a bit too far on the Late Late Show. But never did anyone suggest we needed tough blasphemy laws. Until the justice minister, Dermot Ahern, decided we needed to fill the “void” left by our lack of one.

Technically, Ahern is correct that Bunreacht na hÉireann requires that blasphemy be a criminal offence. However, no one ever bothered to formulate what the exact offence might be, and we muddled on for quite a long time without anyone worrying about this (perhaps, as a friend pointed out to me, because all blasphemous material was grabbed by the all-powerful censors long before it could ever get to court). In 1999, there was an attempt to prosecute a newspaper for a cartoon mocking the church, but the judge in that case noted that he could not prosecute, because there was no definition of what legally constituted blasphemy. Well now there is. And it concerns itself with what might or might not cause “outrage among a substantial number of the adherents of [a] religion” (note, not just Christianity, as was the case with English blasphemy law: this is, at least, equal opportunities idiocy).

As Michael Nugent of Atheist Ireland has pointed out:

The proposed law does not protect religious belief; it incentivises outrage and it criminalises free speech. Under this proposed law, if a person expresses one belief about gods, and other people think that this insults a different belief about gods, then these people can become outraged, and this outrage can make it illegal for the first person to express his or her beliefs.

So Irish law has now enshrined the notion that the taking of offence is more important than free expression. If something might cause a motivated group to be “outraged”, rather than, say, cause them to live in fear, then it is illegal, with a fine of up to €25,000 payable.

Note the ease with which a prosecution could be brought, and the punitive nature of the fine: this is not legislation that simply serves to tie up a few loose ends.

The minister claimed that his only alternative to this legislation was to have a referendum. This again, is technically true: any constitutional changes in Ireland require this. But the minister dismissed the notion of organising a referendum as being too costly in these straitened times.

Yet today, we are told there is to be another Lisbon referendum in October. Wouldn’t it have been sensible to hold both the Lisbon referendum and a referendum on the abolition of the concept of blasphemy from the constitution on the same day, cutting down on costs? Wouldn’t it, minister?

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G20 police were told to use ‘reasonable force’

Report finds serious failings in policing of protests and demands far-reaching overhaul of tactics
Read the full report from the chief inspector of constabulary

Metropolitan police commanders at the G20 demonstrations ordered officers to clear the streets of protesters using “reasonable force” if necessary, minutes before a police constable attacked the newspaper vendor Ian Tomlinson, it emerged tonight.

Decisions taken by senior Met officers in the lead-up to Tomlinson’s death were set out for the first time in an official report today into the policing operation at the protests in the City of London.

The report, by Denis O’Connor, the chief inspector of constabulary, found serious failings in the Met’s policing operation and recommended a far-reaching overhaul of the way protests are policed in the future. Nationwide tactics for policing protests are outdated and inadequate, and pay insufficient regard to human rights obligations, it said.

The previously unseen police logs from 1 April include two tactical orders that shed light on events surrounding Tomlinson’s death and more than 50 complaints made to the Independent Police Complaints Commission about alleged excessive force.

At 12.20pm, soon after the protests at the Bank of England had started, a Met Bronze commander, responsible for operational tactics on the ground, sowed confusion by ordering that police cordons placed around protesters in the so-called “kettle” should be “absolute cordons with discretion”.

O’Connor’s report described the instruction as “confusing and difficult to implement” for officers, who had to handle crowds that were far larger than senior officers had expected.

The report also revealed how senior officers met later in the day, after the most serious clashes had dissipated, to discuss how to manage a crowd that was assessed by police as “hostile, with continuing sporadic outbreaks of violence”.

Senior officers decided that from 7pm “reasonable force would be used” to clear the streets of those who did not leave the area voluntarily. At 7.15pm, Tomlinson, who had been prevented from passing three police cordons as he tried to find a route home, was struck from behind and pushed to the ground by a Met officer who has since been suspended. His widow, Julia, said tonight that the commander’s logs had made difficult reading. “They ordered that Ian could not leave and they ordered the use of force,” she said. “If Ian is to get justice it means then all the officers who played a role in his death are made to account for what they did.”

O’Connor stopped short of arguing that kettling should be abandoned. But he found commanders did not understand their legal duties when they decided to contain thousands of protesters at the Bank of England and the Climate Camp, in nearby Bishopsgate.

Warning of the consequences if senior officers ignored his advice, O’Connor said there could be more disruption on the streets, police forces challenged in court and a withdrawal of the public’s consent to policing.

Sir Hugh Orde, the incoming president of the Association of Chief Police Officers, said the problems encountered by the Met might not have arisen if human rights had been put at the centre of operational decisions.

The Met accepted the recommendations and launched an urgent review of training and tactics at protests.

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The web needs a highway code

Following the BT/Phorm saga, the government must clear up confusion over consumer protection and monitoring software

BT’s announcement that it is dropping its involvement with Phorm “for the moment” is unsurprising. The telecoms giant has a high level of trust among consumers, and pushing forward with the controversial web monitoring and profiling system would have been a very dangerous move for the company. It might have destroyed BT customers’ trust in the company had they felt that their web traffic was being intercepted in a way they did not understand. Even with reassurance that there would be an “opt-in” system, Phorm’s plans did not take account of public worry of just what this would mean in reality.

The government’s role in the affair has been dubious. It has never taken responsibility for ensuring that all players were clear about what protection consumers could expect from the law under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act and whether it was enforceable over interceptions of the BT/Phorm kind. Despite constant questioning, the government would only say that “it was a matter for the courts” to decide. The Home Office may have its own use for deep packet inspection for intercepting web traffic, but it is mistaken if it thinks ambiguity in the commercial sector would help the technology develop unhindered.

One of the main opponents of the Phorm-type of monitoring is the web’s inventor, Tim Berners-Lee, who branded it as “snooping”. He has been appointed as a special adviser to the government. Leaving the government is Lord Carter, the erstwhile communications minister who was a Phorm enthusiast. The Information Commissioner’s Office remains in its Alice-in-Wonderland position of backing Phorm’s technology, provided it complies with data protection laws – which, of course, is the unresolved issue. Another player is Ed Richards, chief executive of Ofcom. The telecoms watchdog has a regulatory role but also an interest in ensuring some resolution to the parlous position that the media has found itself in regarding advertising.

One of the primary roles for the government is to create certainty for citizens and for business. In this sorry saga it has created uncertainty and it was left to the EU to take a line on the original trials, which were ruled illegal. The government knows that there is now an information superhighway where everyone is busy trying to put up billboards. When roads became very busy with cars, a highway code and a planning system was developed to prevent dangerous situations. What is needed now is a similar clear plan for the web highway.

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Disciplinary query over G20 assault case officer

• Policeman had faced misconduct charge in past
• Vetting for TSG failed to highlight unresolved issue

The Metropolitan police officer being investigated for an assault on Ian Tomlinson before he died had a chequered history which should have barred him from the force, it has emerged.

Investigations have revealed that the officer, who was in the Tactical Support Group during the G20 protests, had previously been accused of using unnecessary force while serving with the Met.

Vetting blunders meant that this was never identified and he managed to leave the force and rejoin.

The officer has been questioned under caution by investigators from the Independent Police Complaints Commission on suspicion of manslaughter after he was caught on film striking and pushing over Tomlinson. The 47-year-old newspaper vendor died shortly afterwards. A first postmortem indicated he had died of a heart attack, but Tomlinson’s family demanded a second examination, which identified internal bleeding as the cause of death.

The IPCC, which is investigating the death of Tomlinson, is aware of the situation about the officer’s past, as is Scotland Yard. Both declined to comment officially while the investigation into the death was continuing.

The new details emerged as the Met faces further criticism tomorrow with the publication of a report by Denis O’Connor, the chief inspector of constabulary, on police tactics during G20. The report is likely to call for widespread changes to the way protests are policed, in particular giving more weight to the public’s right to protest peacefully and the need for the police to communicate clearly with demonstrators during times of tension and in fast-flowing situations.

O’Connor has conducted a Mori poll of the public’s view on policing protests as part of his inquiry. He has examined the controversial tactic of containment during demonstrations, which the Met commissioner, Sir Paul Stephenson, has defended.

Details of the past of the officer at the centre of the IPCC inquiry into Tomlinson’s death emerged yesterday. He had been on a disciplinary charge and facing a misconduct hearing earlier in his Met career.

The charge related to an incident while he was on sick leave with a shoulder injury when the officer became involved in a road rage incident. It is understood he tried to arrest the other driver involved in the incident, who later complained that the officer had used unnecessary force.

Before the discipline board convened, however, the officer took early retirement from the Met on medical grounds, and was awarded a medical pension.

Some years later he rejoined the Met as a civilian. He then applied to join Surrey police as an officer. When he was vetted the unresolved disciplinary matter should have shown up but does not appear to have done so. The officer was recruited to Surrey police with no blot on his disciplinary record. He later applied for a transfer to the Met, which again did not reveal the unresolved disciplinary charge.

In his career at the Met he was moved to the TSG, the elite public order unit within the force. It seems that at no point was his history flagged up during interview and vetting for this role.

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We need identity cards, and soon

Identity fraud costs the UK £1.2bn, and untold misery, each year. ID cards are a cheap and effective way of fighting back

Our identity, the information that makes us unique, is something that we get called upon to prove each day, when we are opening a bank account, renting a flat, proving our right to work. It is this unique information that fraudsters and criminals want and this is why we guard it so carefully. Shredding machines, once only found in offices, are now found in many homes as people protect their personal information by destroying personal bank and billing information.

The introduction of identity cards is a simple means of helping you, and I, protect our unique identity from fraudsters. Identity fraud costs the UK economy £1.2bn on average each year and causes misery for tens of thousands who fall victim. At a cost of just £30, the identity card is a cheap way of helping fight back. So, despite the headlines that would have readers think otherwise, I’m not scrapping identity cards – I’m committed to delivering them more quickly to the people who will benefit most.

I know that some of you have real concerns about the government’s motives for introducing the card. When I announced this week that I would make identity cards wholly voluntary it was because I believe that there are real benefits that will make the card an attractive proposition for many people. I think the case for identity cards has been made, but understand that getting a card will be a big decision for some people. Easy or hard, I think it should be a voluntary decision, one that people choose to take, because they agree and welcome the benefits an identity card will provide.

In particular, I’m pleased that the government will be looking at bringing forward proposals for pensioners aged 75 and over to receive an identity card free of charge. I also want to see young people with identity cards. They will not only act as a proof of age for the individual but also empower communities tackling underage drinking and crime by enabling local retailers, including pubs and supermarkets, to help ensure they aren’t selling restricted goods, such as knives and alcohol, to those who are underage.

And this is why I have taken the decision to speed up the rollout of identity cards by announcing that alongside people in Manchester, residents in the wider north-west will also be able to apply for a card in the new year. People believe in protecting what they have and what they have worked hard to achieve – a good name and a good credit rating. Being able to protect your identity from fraudsters who would use and abuse it is something we all want and I think identity cards can achieve this.

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Don’t blame the G20 police officers

Those who gave the orders, not those who followed them, should take responsibility for violent policing at the G20 protests

In the evidence provided to MPs regarding the policing of the G20, Commander Bob Broadhurst, the head of the Public Order Unit, has unsurprisingly tried to lay the blame at the feet of ordinary police officers for the violent and repressive policing at the G20, citing inexperienced police officers for the levels of “inappropriate violence”.

However, while it is true that there were inexperienced City police on the frontline, it is disingenuous to imply that they were responsible for the worst of the violence. Most of the major cases of police brutality that have emerged from the G20, including the attacks on Ian Tomlinson and Nicky Fisher, were carried out by territorial support group (TSG) officers. These TSG members are level 1 trained – the highest level of public order training available in the police service – and have faced many allegations of violence.

Yet it is still not fair to simply blame the TSG. I have surprised people with my (relative) sympathy for some of the TSG officers involved in policing the G20, and their position as stated on several police blogs, that they were only doing what they were trained to do. While “just following orders” can never be an excuse, the TSG weren’t doing anything they hadn’t done before, and I can understand why they were shocked at this sudden public outcry over their tactics. If Tomlinson hadn’t died, there would have been nothing remarkable about the policing operation, and Broadhurst would have used his normal nugget of “violent troublemakers” to justify the brutality of his officers.

Broadhurst was the “gold commander” for G20 policing – he gave the orders, he implemented the kettles and he ordered the clearing of the Climate Camp. He gave these orders with a full awareness of the tactics his officers would deploy. However, the responsibility of senior public order officers goes further than this. It was Superintendent David Hartshorn’s briefings prior to the G20 that set the tone for the policing operation. His comments regarding the G20 being the start of a “summer of rage” meant everyone, from officers on the ground to protesters to the media, were hyped up to the point where confrontation was inevitable.

The police force must be held to account for their actions, and there are many good aspects to the report. Suggestions such as an end to kettling, and reiterating that police officers should always wear their numbers, are of course welcome. However, in order to evaluate the tactics and violence used at the G20 – and other protests – blame needs to be laid firmly on the heads of the people who gave the orders, and implemented the repressive policies seen on the street. It is not fair to simply blame the foot soldiers, and Broadhurst still has many questions to answer.

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MPs condemn police G20 tactics

Keep untrained officers off frontline at demos, says highly critical Commons committee report

Untrained officers must never again be put in the frontline of policing public protests, according to a highly critical MPs’ report on the G20 protests published today.

The conclusion from the Commons home affairs select committee inquiry into the G20 protests of April 1 follows admissions from senior Metropolitan police officers that some inexperienced officers, who were clearly quite scared, used “inappropriate force”.

The report by the cross-party group of MPs says they “cannot condone the use of untrained, inexperienced officers on the frontline of a public protest under any circumstances”.

Their inquiry also calls for the police to seriously consider whether they can continue with the use of tactics such as kettling – containing protesters behind cordons for a sustained period of time – and the controlled use of force against those who appear hostile without first holding a public debate over the future of policing public protests.

During the G20 protests the Met repeatedly attempted to “kettle” thousands of mainly peaceful demonstrators .

The technique is widely believed to have sparked angry confrontations with protesters, who complained that they were penned in for hours and subjected to baton charges.

Officers in charge of the Met’s public order operations have been lobbying hard to retain the kettling tactic, which they regard as an effective method of preventing unruly protests from spreading through large areas of a city.

The select committee stops short of commenting on the death of the newspaper vendor Ian Tomlinson or the case of Nicola Fisher, who was struck across the face by a police sergeant. But the MPs say that the images and film footage of those incidents shocked the public and have the potential to undermine trust in the police. They hoped the incidents would mark the start of a widespread debate on the use of force by the police.

“The basic principle that the police must remember is that protesters are not criminals – the police’s doctrine must remain focused on allowing protest to happen peacefully,” said Keith Vaz, the committee chairman.

“In many ways this was a large protest which passed off remarkably well. But it is clear that concerns about the policing of the G20 protests have damaged the public’s confidence in the police and that is a great shame.”

He said the ability of the public and the media to monitor every single action of the police through CCTV, mobile phones and video equipment means they have to take even greater care to ensure that all their actions are justifiable.

“There must not be a repetition of this – never again must untrained officers be placed on the frontline of public protest.”

The report describes the policing of the G20 protests as a “remarkably successful operation” in which more than 35,000 demonstrated in the centre of London yet with the minimum of disruption to the City: “Aside from a few high-profile incidents, the policing of the G20 protests passed without drama,” say the MPs before adding that an element of luck played a part in that success.

The MPs repeat their belief that there are no circumstances in which it is acceptable for police officers not to wear their identification numbers and urge those who consciously remove them to face the strongest disciplinary action.

During the Commons inquiry, Commander Bob Broadhurst, the “gold commander” in charge of the G20 policing operation, told the MPs that there had not been any large-scale disorder in London for a number of years of the kind seen summer after summer in the 1980s and 1990s: “That means I now have a workforce of relatively young people that we draw on who are policing Sutton High Street one day and the next day called into central London.”

He said there were 2,500 officers who had only two days of public order training a year and the vast majority of whom had never faced a situation as violent as the G20 protest before.

“That may also be why one or two of them, as you have seen on television, may have used inappropriate force at times … I would probably say that was probably more fear and lack of control, whereas our experience in the past is the more we experience these things, the less quick officers are to go to the use of force because they understand more the dynamics,” he said.

The MPs say the risk of relying so heavily on untrained, inexperienced officers in such a highly combustible atmosphere must never be taken again.

Their report also confirms criticisms of police communications with the media and with the protesters and question why it took the personal intervention of Broadhurst to relay the message that the press should be let out of the cordons.

The MPs’ findings are published ahead of a report by Denis O’Connor, the chief inspector of constabulary, in which senior police officers will be told they must use “reasonable discretion” when containing large numbers of protesters. O’Connor was asked to carry out a national review of public order policing by the Metropolitan police commissioner in April. He is due to publish his findings this week.

O’Connor is considering whether to endorse a “human rights-based” approach to policing advocated by Sir Hugh Orde, the incoming chief of the Association of Chief Police Officers. Orde is promoting a model of policing protest developed in Northern Ireland that sees greater emphasis placed on communicating with protesters and facilitating their right to protest.

However, Orde’s position, which gives protesters more freedom to roam, is considered soft by some senior Met officers.

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