Chancellor says small and medium-sized businesses are still paying too much for bank loans that remain in short supply
British bank chiefs will come under renewed pressure today to make more credit available to small and medium-sized businesses in a crunch meeting with the chancellor, Alistair Darling.
Some of the country’s most powerful banking executives are said to be squaring up for a new battle after yesterday rejecting Darling’s complaint that struggling businesses were still paying too much for bank loans that remain in short supply.
Stung by the chancellor’s renewed criticism ahead of today’s meetings with the Treasury, the British Bankers’ Association took to the airwaves yesterday to insist it is doing its best in hard times for recession-hit customers.
Lending to small businesses rose by £391m in June as almost 50,000 new small business relationships were established with banks, the industry group said. Deposits from small businesses also grew by £577m, perhaps reflecting “improved business confidence”, the BBA said.
But John McFall, the chairman of the Treasury select committee, today warned that MPs would expect banks to make their lending agreements more transparent.
He told BBC Radio 4′s Today programme: “There is a tension between what the banks are doing and what the governor of the Bank of England wants to do. The banks want to sustain the level of profitability, so build up the capital.
“There is the government’s and the governor’s fear that the recovery will be jeopardised by an inadequate provision of credit and increased cost of borrowing, and the anecdotal evidence that’s been coming to the select committee for the past number of months has been … that it’s small and medium sized businesses that are losing out.
“The Bank of England report that came out last week said quite clearly that there is less credit available for businesses and it’s more expensive. In May, lending was negative – it went down 5.4%. These are the facts. The banks and the government need to get round the table today to ensure that we have this increased lending.”
McFall said he wanted to see a plan put in place to ensure “that lending agreements are transparent, so we can see it in black and white”.
Angela Knight of the British Banking Association told the programme: “Overall lending to British businesses has continued to increase. Equally, it is a very difficult market out there, the recession is a big one and some sectors are hit more than others.”
But she added: “Demand [for credit] has dropped off and we need to address this as well.”
With the economy’s second quarter growth figures worse than predicted – a 0.8% contraction in the three months up to June – Darling had used the platform provided by BBC1′s The Andrew Marr Show yesterday to protest that “what companies are being charged does seem to have gone up relative to what banks are actually having to pay because of the fact we’ve got very low interest rates”, which are currently 0.5%. “They’ve got to live up to their promises,” he emphasised.
Public hostility towards the banks has focused on the return of high-flying bonuses in the investment banking sector, despite the multi-billion pound rescues by the taxpayer which – Darling and David Cameron both admitted yesterday – will mean cuts in public spending.
In Belfast, a Northern Ireland MP said he would name and shame some of the province’s banks over their failure to help out small businesses. Alasdair McDonnell, the SDLP’s deputy leader and the MP for South Belfast, is to hand over a dossier on the local banks to the prime minister later this week. He complained that their failure had “pushed a number of viable local businesses over the edge – with many more on the precipice. Banks could – and should – be providing a better service to the public.”
The chancellor receives similar complaints whenever he meets small business leaders. He acknowledged on TV that he is also asking the banks to rebuild their balance sheets to make them stronger than before the financial crisis.
But he added: “People have got to understand in the banks: we did not stabilise the banking system, rescue some banks, out of some sort of charitable act or because we felt sorry for them. Far from it. We did it because if you don’t have a banking system that provides credit for businesses, then you will make recovery and prosperity after that much, much more difficult.”
Opposition politicians complained that ministers had dithered on banking reform. Vincent Cable, the Liberal Democrats’ Treasury spokesman, said: “It is amazing that the chancellor has only just woken up to the fact that this is a problem.” Mark Hoban, a shadow Treasury minister, said: “We have been warning about the lending crisis, including in government-owned banks, for months.”




The red Tory delusion
These outrider visions suit Cameron very nicely – just don’t expect him to put them into action
Political cross-dressing is familiar, but so-called Red Tories are indulging in something more like political reassignment surgery. The leading light is Phillip Blond – who clings to David Cameron’s coat-tails while shunning the Conservative creed of coming to terms with the world as it is. He damns Labour for failing to tame big business or close the wealth gap, suggesting the Tories can do better by developing the Cameroonian insight that “there is such a thing as society, but it’s not the same as the state”.
With spending cuts on the way, Cameron can only benefit from an intellectual outrider who promotes a Tory prescription that goes beyond the axe. So in January he spoke at the launch of Blond’s work at Demos, a thinktank that has been courting modernising Conservatives. It has recently been announced Blond is leaving Demos, but he continues to attract sympathetic attention for his party in naturally suspicious quarters – including in the Guardian.
Blond recently proposed “recapitalising the poor“. Even putting aside the irresistible question of how much capital the poor had in the first place, the detail is easy to pick at. Instead of blowing a hole in the government’s books, he conjectures the banking bailout will produce eventual returns for Whitehall to funnel to the dispossessed. He imagines cash-strapped councils have money to hand back to already subsidised tenants, and proposes extending means testing while railing against the poverty trap it creates.
Blond is not a policy wonk but a theologian. Treasury officials would make mincemeat of his detailed plans but, on the big ideas, he has interesting things to say. He highlights pre-1979 Tory traditions of responsibility to the community, and argues that all the main parties are beset by a narrowing liberalism, which imagines people as atomised consumers, not citizens. From that vantage point, he says, the role of small businesses simply drops out of view. He proposes rewriting competition rules, so community life can be considered alongside the price of fish in decisions about whether to license yet another Tesco.
While this policy is attractive, a Tory government would struggle to implement it, because it clashes with the big Conservative business interests. We arrive at the nub of the argument for ingesting Red Toryism with a shovel-load of salt. Clever people, of whom Blond is indubitably one, are prone to over-intellectualising politics – failing to grasp that it is a game where interests trump ideas. In the Tory party, the weightiest interest is property – not the abstract notion, but the real security of those who happen to own it.
The hold of property is not some recent aberration, dating from the Iron Lady’s protection of “our people”. Lord Salisbury saw property’s defence as his central aim – there was “always wealth”, he said. A generation later, Bonar Law promised to “leave things alone” rather than meddle in what different classes owned. Even the more conciliatory Stanley Baldwin pursued deflation, which protected rentiers at the expense of the working man. Throughout, Conservatives have stood against organised labour – which embodies the non-state mutualism that Blond is so keen on but threatens the owners of industry.
Blond ignores all of this, and so fails to comprehend what the Conservative party is – and what it is set to remain. The instinct to approach policy from the point of view of the investor means the Tories have not, as Blond urges, ditched mail privatisation. Instead it is Labour, driven by its own union interests, that has kicked privatisation into touch. Likewise, the overriding need to serve “our people” explains why the Tories remain committed to an inheritance tax cut, and why each Labour budget redistributes a little to the poor.
Inequality has remained stubbornly high despite this because forces such as de-unionisation and privatisation remain powerful. These arguably benefit consumers, but the Tories originally unleashed them at least in part because they served Conservative interests. The Red Tory idea that the party may reverse them now is delusional because – as Palmerston said – interests are eternal.
None of this means conservative intellectual attitudes lack merit – scepticism about what works, realism about human nature, and suspicion of the state have a great deal to commend them. It is also true that conservative interests can at times ally with progressive values. On personal liberty, a case can be made that the Conservatives are now the more progressive party. In the end, though, every party is hostage to its “own people”, on the question of who gets what.