Health concerns and new feminist priorities mean French women are covering up on the beach
For some it’s the stuff of naff Cote d’Azur postcards. For others it’s a symbol of the feminist struggle in France. Topless sunbathing was once the summer battleground of French post-1968 society – educated middle classes insisted that peeling off was a women’s right, while family groups claimed exposed nipples would scare children.
For decades, France has prided itself on being the world capital of seaside semi-nudity. Now the nation is facing a bikini-top backlash. A younger generation of women are covering up, citing new feminist priorities, skin cancer fears and a rebellion against the cult of the fetished body beautiful.
French academics and historians have spent the early summer months pondering the sociological meaning of the demise of France’s once-favourite piece of beachwear, the “monokini” – the bottom half of a bikini with no top.
Since the 1970s, when the French state refused to ban “le topless” on beaches, women’s semi-nudity has become a symbol of summer in France. It was a point of national pride that the same freedom to strip off in public was off-limits in other more prudish nations such as the US.
Women’s bodies have always been the centre of national social debates in France. Jean-Marie Le Pen’s far-right Front National once produced a poster warning against immigration which showed carefree French topless sunbathers in the 1990s against a doomsday prediction of burka-clad women invading French beaches in the year 2010.
But modern French 18- to 30-year-olds are rejecting toplessness, boosting the sales of two-piece bikinis and old-fashioned bathing suits.
A poll found 24% of women were perturbed by toplessness on beaches, while 57% said it was OK in a garden. Along the artificial summer beach Paris Plages, which opened on the Seine this week, topless sunbathing is punishable with a fine. The mayor of Saint Tropez has argued that the postcard myth of the feminine “charms” of the southern elitist sunspot are outdated as fewer women go topless.
French media insist that it tends to be the over 60s – women involved in the initial women’s lib struggle – who dispense with tops. One swimsuit saleswoman said that going topless is no longer seen as a feminist act, as young women see equal pay and work-family balance as more pressing battlegrounds.
At the heart of this summer’s cover-up phenomenon is historian Christophe Granger’s new book, Corps d’été, a social history of the beach and the body in France.
He said: “In the 1960s and 1970s, toplessness was linked to the women’s liberation movement, sexual liberation and a return to nature.
“Historical feminist writing details how the row over toplessness was a struggle for women to do what they liked with their bodies. What has been projected on to it today are different values, identified, not with equality but desire, sexualisation of the body, voluptuousness and the body perfect.
“It’s less about women feeling at ease and free. It has been linked to the harsh cult of the body beautiful, where no imperfection is tolerated.”
In some areas, the battle goes on. Les Tumultueuses, a group of young militant feminists, are still fighting for topless bathing rights in public swimming pools, denouncing the fact that men and women’s bodies are treated differently. “My body, if I want, when I want” is one of the slogans they have borrowed from the 1970s struggle. Two months ago, when a group of them removed their tops and dived in to Les Halles public pool in Paris, pool assistants tried in vain to get them to cover up.
Previous topless commando raids on public pools have seen police intervene to stop them. Attendants at Paris’s notoriously strict public pools have argued that if toplessness was allowed, swimmers would take more and more liberties such as arriving with no swimming hat or trunks.
For and against, G2 pages 10-11




A gift for the quangophobes
Trevor Phillips’s super-charged army of fairness is mired in controversy. It is much too important to be allowed to fail
The latest stink at the Equality and Human Rights Commission is like an ad for the policies of David Cameron – “Quangos really are rubbish”. To recap: 18 months ago the EHRC took on the work of the commissions for racial equality, gender equality and disability rights – adding religious, age and sexuality discrimination, for slow days. All were rolled into one supercharged army of fairness, headed by Trevor Phillips. Feminists were unimpressed because Phillips hadn’t seemed committed to the Equal Opportunities Commission. Race and disability campaigners were unhappy because both their commissions were hard-won, effective organisations, and to see them rolled into a super-quango … well, to fill those roles with the same vigour, it would have to be pretty super. Which it has turned out not to be at all.
The latest controversy is a sex discrimination case brought by an employee, Brid Johal, who says she was passed over for promotion while on maternity leave. First, it’s appalling if an equality body can’t even police its own discrimination. Second, Johal’s case is being brought by the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) – if she didn’t have an appropriate union, the EHRC would be exactly the body she’d look to, to take her on as a test case. So she’d be really stuffed. (Unless it has a policy on bringing cases against itself? Quango-tastic.)
Johal’s case is the only one in court, but the PCS has between 25 and 30 grievances pending against the EHRC, mostly addressing bullying and unfair treatment at work. A union press officer says that the entire commission lacks what is known as a dignity at work policy. The union has been pressuring the commission to set this up for over a year. “They’re not exactly practising what they preach,” he understates. Never mind promulgating equality and fairness nationwide, never mind leading by example: even as an advert for the possibilities of fairness in the modern workplace, the EHRC is laughable.
This is nothing, however, on how badly it besmirches the concept of the quango. It is constantly hovering between accusations of incompetence and corruption. In March the National Audit Office wouldn’t sign off its accounts, because of “irregularities”. Nothing huge – missing laptops, strange occurrences in which CRE staff appeared to be compensated for being made redundant, only to be immediately re-employed by the new body.
Phillips has been personally criticised over a conflict of interests (juggling his EHRC role with freelance consultancy work on diversity). There was some stunning incompetence when the EHRC first started – the (mainly female) staff who had migrated from the EOC were on lower pay grades than those from the other two commissions and no proper adjustments were made. So it sprang into life with a systemic pay gap, before it had even addressed any of its main concerns, like the pay gap. Of the various conflicts between Phillips and Nicola Brewer, the former chief executive, insiders cited differing attitudes to handling public money.
Ideologically, the headline-grabbing problems have been between Phillips and the old guard of the CRE (specifically, for making light of institutional racism in the police force). Feminists have as much, if not more, cause for disappointment. The EOC did tremendous work for women in the workplace, including some research on discrimination met by black and minority ethnic women that could have changed the entire debate about both racism and the pay gap, had it been followed up. But it never was.
Katherine Rake, the outgoing head of the Fawcett Society, says: “We would be a more militant voice, but the EOC , as a statutory agency, could command headlines in a way that we couldn’t. Since the merger, there’s been a loss of specific focus and the loss of a concerted voice.” One example she gives is Alan Sugar’s appointment as business tsar – it would have been just unthinkable for the EOC to let that pass, given Sugar’s oft-repeated views on how he tears up the CVs of women who look a bit fertile. The EHRC didn’t even comment.
To call this the worst quango would be rash, but it must be among the worst, surely. And yet, even when riven by internal divisions, mired in an embarrassing court case, and with a question mark over the survival of its chairman, it still makes significant, respected points. This week it unmasked the fallacy at the heart of far-right rhetoric (that migrants skipped the queue for social housing and services; they don’t) – very simply, and I imagine pretty cheaply, by collating research already in the public domain.
We need organisations that aren’t militant, or even overtly political, that are measured and sensible, government-funded but not partisan, to put out messages like this. One of the reasons the EHRC even catches so much hostility – when it probably doesn’t waste any more money than, say, any given police force – is the passionate loyalty and admiration commanded by the bodies it replaced. And one of the things it reminds us of (though, granted, sometimes by accident) is how valuable these organisations can be.