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Pakistan officials back torture claims

Human Rights Watch says Pakistani intelligence officials have confirmed torture took place with full knowledge of British agents

Further evidence of the close involvement of British agents in the torture of British citizens in Pakistan has emerged during a series of interviews with Pakistani intelligence officers.

Researchers from the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) say several Pakistani officials have corroborated accounts of torture given by several victims. The officials not only made clear that their counterparts in British intelligence were fully aware of the methods they were employing during interrogations but claim the British agents were “grateful” it was happening.

In a statement issued today , HRW said senior Pakistani officials had told it “on numerous occasions” that British officials were aware of the mistreatment of a number of terrorism suspects from the UK, including Rangzieb Ahmed and Salahuddin Amin, who are now serving life sentences in the UK, Zeeshan Siddiqui, whose whereabouts is unknown, and Rashid Rauf, who is said to have died in a US missile strike after escaping from custody.

HRW said senior officials in Pakistan had confirmed the “overall authenticity” of the allegations made by Ahmed, from Rochdale, who had three fingernails ripped out of his left hand after MI5 and Greater Manchester police drew up a list of questions and handed them to his Pakistani captors.

The sources said that an account given by Amin, from Luton, of the manner in which he was tortured in between meetings with MI5 officers was “essentially accurate”, adding that his was a “high pressure” case in which the demand for information made by both British and American intelligence officers was “insatiable”.

HRW says it was told by senior Pakistani officials that the UK and the US were “party” to Amin’s detention and were “perfectly aware that we were using all means possible to extract information from him and were grateful that we were doing so”.

HRW was told by senior Pakistani intelligence officers that their British counterparts were well aware that Siddiqui, from London, was being “processed in the traditional way”. These sources said they worked so closely with the British officials that those officials were in effect interrogating Siddiqui even though they were not in the torture chamber.

In other cases, Pakistani agents who were dealing with their British counterparts while torturing British citizens say they were “under pressure to perform” and to extract as much information as possible.

Furthermore, HRW says a British intelligence source has told it that plans to deport one British citizen from Pakistan to the UK and prosecute him for terrorism offences had to be dropped because the individual had been so severely tortured.

The Pakistani interrogators’ accounts of their close working relationship with British intelligence officers are to be detailed in a HRW report later this year.

In today’s statement it said: “Officials in both the Pakistani and UK governments have privately confirmed to Human Rights Watch that British officials were aware of specific cases of mistreatment, knew that Pakistani intelligence agencies routinely used torture on detained terror suspects and others and failed to intervene to prevent torture in cases involving British citizens and in cases in which it had an investigative interest.

“A well placed official within the UK government told Human Rights Watch that allegations of UK complicity made by Human Rights Watch in testimony to the UK parliament’s Joint Human Rights Committee in February 2009 were accurate. The official encouraged Human Rights Watch to continue its research into the subject. Another Whitehall source told Human Rights Watch that its research was ‘spot on’.

“According to these UK officials, as a result of co-operation on specific cases, the Pakistani intelligence services shared information from abusive interrogations with British officials, which was used in prosecutions in UK courts and other investigations. UK law enforcement and intelligence officials passed questions to Pakistani officials for use in interrogation sessions in individual cases knowing that these Pakistani officials were using torture.”

HRW said there was now a compelling case for a judicial inquiry into Britain’s role in torture in Pakistan. Brad Adams, HRW’s Asia director, said: “The prime minister, the foreign secretary, former prime minister Tony Blair and others have repeatedly said that the UK opposes torture. They repeatedly deny allegations that the UK has encouraged torture by Pakistan’s intelligence agencies. But saying this over and over again doesn’t make it true. There is now sufficient evidence in the public domain to warrant a judicial inquiry.”

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A gift for the quangophobes

Trevor Phillips’s super-charged army of fairness is mired in controversy. It is much too important to be allowed to fail

The latest stink at the Equality and Human Rights Commission is like an ad for the policies of David Cameron – “Quangos really are rubbish”. To recap: 18 months ago the EHRC took on the work of the commissions for racial equality, gender equality and disability rights – adding religious, age and sexuality discrimination, for slow days. All were rolled into one supercharged army of fairness, headed by Trevor Phillips. Feminists were unimpressed because Phillips hadn’t seemed committed to the Equal Opportunities Commission. Race and disability campaigners were unhappy because both their commissions were hard-won, effective organisations, and to see them rolled into a super-quango … well, to fill those roles with the same vigour, it would have to be pretty super. Which it has turned out not to be at all.

The latest controversy is a sex discrimination case brought by an employee, Brid Johal, who says she was passed over for promotion while on maternity leave. First, it’s appalling if an equality body can’t even police its own discrimination. Second, Johal’s case is being brought by the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) – if she didn’t have an appropriate union, the EHRC would be exactly the body she’d look to, to take her on as a test case. So she’d be really stuffed. (Unless it has a policy on bringing cases against itself? Quango-tastic.)

Johal’s case is the only one in court, but the PCS has between 25 and 30 grievances pending against the EHRC, mostly addressing bullying and unfair treatment at work. A union press officer says that the entire commission lacks what is known as a dignity at work policy. The union has been pressuring the commission to set this up for over a year. “They’re not exactly practising what they preach,” he understates. Never mind promulgating equality and fairness nationwide, never mind leading by example: even as an advert for the possibilities of fairness in the modern workplace, the EHRC is laughable.

This is nothing, however, on how badly it besmirches the concept of the quango. It is constantly hovering between accusations of incompetence and corruption. In March the National Audit Office wouldn’t sign off its accounts, because of “irregularities”. Nothing huge – missing laptops, strange occurrences in which CRE staff appeared to be compensated for being made redundant, only to be immediately re-employed by the new body.

Phillips has been personally criticised over a conflict of interests (juggling his EHRC role with freelance consultancy work on diversity). There was some stunning incompetence when the EHRC first started – the (mainly female) staff who had migrated from the EOC were on lower pay grades than those from the other two commissions and no proper adjustments were made. So it sprang into life with a systemic pay gap, before it had even addressed any of its main concerns, like the pay gap. Of the various conflicts between Phillips and Nicola Brewer, the former chief executive, insiders cited differing attitudes to handling public money.

Ideologically, the headline-grabbing problems have been between Phillips and the old guard of the CRE (specifically, for making light of institutional racism in the police force). Feminists have as much, if not more, cause for disappointment. The EOC did tremendous work for women in the workplace, including some research on discrimination met by black and minority ethnic women that could have changed the entire debate about both racism and the pay gap, had it been followed up. But it never was.

Katherine Rake, the outgoing head of the Fawcett Society, says: “We would be a more militant voice, but the EOC , as a statutory agency, could command headlines in a way that we couldn’t. Since the merger, there’s been a loss of specific focus and the loss of a concerted voice.” One example she gives is Alan Sugar’s appointment as business tsar – it would have been just unthinkable for the EOC to let that pass, given Sugar’s oft-repeated views on how he tears up the CVs of women who look a bit fertile. The EHRC didn’t even comment.

To call this the worst quango would be rash, but it must be among the worst, surely. And yet, even when riven by internal divisions, mired in an embarrassing court case, and with a question mark over the survival of its chairman, it still makes significant, respected points. This week it unmasked the fallacy at the heart of far-right rhetoric (that migrants skipped the queue for social housing and services; they don’t) – very simply, and I imagine pretty cheaply, by collating research already in the public domain.

We need organisations that aren’t militant, or even overtly political, that are measured and sensible, government-funded but not partisan, to put out messages like this. One of the reasons the EHRC even catches so much hostility – when it probably doesn’t waste any more money than, say, any given police force – is the passionate loyalty and admiration commanded by the bodies it replaced. And one of the things it reminds us of (though, granted, sometimes by accident) is how valuable these organisations can be.

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Courts convict 331 in Saudi al-Qaida trials

Saudi Arabian special security courts have convicted more than 300 people for al-Qaida terrorist activities in the first known trials of members of the group in Osama bin Laden’s ancestral homeland.

Al-Arabiya, a privately-owned Saudi TV station, reported today that 331 people in 179 cases had been tried and one given the death sentence. It quoted a justice ministry official as saying there had also been prison terms, travel bans, fines and house arrests, with an unspecified number of defendants acquitted.

Those convicted were described as having been involved in “supporting and financing terrorism” as well as going to “areas of conflict to fight” – an apparent reference to Iraq and Afghanistan, where Saudi nationals have made up a large proportion of all foreign fighters.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the west, has pursued a successful anti-terrorist strategy since May 2003, when al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula first surfaced in the kingdom, home to 15 of the 19 hijackers in the 9/11 attacks.

Al-Qaida’s 30 attacks targeted expatriate residential compounds, oil installations and government buildings. The authorities claimed to have foiled a further 160 attacks. In the worst single incident 22 foreign workers were killed in an attack on the Gulf city of al-Khobar in May 2004.

Hundreds of alleged militants have passed through government rehabilitation and re-education programmes. But there have also been allegations of torture and ill treatment. Human Rights Watch has said Saudi trials may not meet international standards and that up to 3,000 people were still detained without charge.

The Saudi interior minister, Prince Nayef bin Abdul Aziz, announced last October that 991 suspects had been charged with participating in attacks over the preceding five years. It was not known before yesterday’s announcement that any trials had begun, probably for security reasons.

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Hu leaves G8 as troops flood Urumqi

• Hu Jintao cuts short Italian trip due to unrest
• Officals threaten death penalty against aggressors

Thousands of paramilitary troops flooded the streets of Urumqi today as officals warned they would seek the death penalty for those behind the wave of violence that has claimed more than 150 lives.

Li Zhi, the local Communist party leader, said many of those responsible for the violence had been arrested, including students. “To those who committed crimes with cruel means, we will execute them,” he warned, adding that government forces would crack down on any security risk.

The move came as China’s president, Hu Jintao, left the G8 summit because of the situation in the troubled Xinjiang province. A foreign ministry statement said that “given the current situation in Xinjiang” Hu had cut short his trip to Italy.

The streets were generally calmer today, but the security forces were forced to step in when a group of several hundred Han began beating up a Uighur man.

Helicopters could be seen circling overhead and water-cannon trucks were deployed across the city. Some of the security forces were armed with crossbows. A loudspeaker truck touring the streets blared the message: “We protect the people’s interest. Unity is strength.”

Yesterday rioting tore through several parts of the city, and police used volleys of teargas to fight back hundreds of club-wielding men seeking revenge on Uighurs after the government reported that many victims in the original violence were Han Chinese.

There were no weapons visible today, but residents showed reporters mobile phone and video camera footage of the earlier chaos. They reported neighbour-against-neighbour violence and pointed out bloodstains.

“The government told us today not to get involved in any kind of violence. They’ve been broadcasting this on the radio and they even drove through neighbourhoods with speakers telling people not to carry weapons,” said one Han Chinese man, who would give only his surname, Wang.

At least 20,000 security forces are stationed through the city, according to the authorities, and last night’s curfew appeared to have dampened much of the immediate tension, along with the presence of so many personnel.

Passers-by applauded as the security forces circled the centre of Xinjiang’s capital with armed officers at the front and rear. Some Uighurs could be seen in the heart of the city around People’s Square. A few Han Chinese were carrying sticks and other implements.

One young man caring a wooden stick with a nail in it said: “Of course I am carrying a stick, I don’t feel safe. I am just going to work. It is only to protect me.”

Cai Jixing, a shop owner, said: “Here it is safe, but up to the street it is not so safe. It is better now. There are too many people who died. Our store could not open for three days so we had lost thousands of yuan of income. It is difficult to say what would happen next.”

Hundreds of officers with bayonets guarded the parameters of the Uighur parts of town. About 30 paramilitary police trucks were parked down a road at the entrance to the Uighur area. Most of the security forces were armed with shields and clubs, while a few had assault rifles with bayonets.

One Han Chinese man took off his belt when he saw a Uighur couple on the street and yelled: “I want to beat you to death.” The couple avoided the confrontation by crossing the street.

Uighurs have said the rioting was triggered by the 25 June deaths of Uighur factory workers in a brawl in the southern Chinese city of Shaoguan. State-run media have said two workers died, but many Uighurs believe more were killed and said the incident was an example of how little the government cared about them.

The authorities have been trying to control the unrest by blocking access to the internet, including social networking sites such as Facebook, and limiting access to texting services on mobile phones. At the same time, police have generally allowed foreign media to cover the tensions. The Chinese media have covered the violence but have not made it a priority.

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Revealed: evidence MI5 tried to hide

MP David Davis’s dramatic parliamentary move exposes treatment of terror suspect

The true depth of British involvement in the torture of terrorism suspects overseas and the manner in which that complicity is concealed behind a cloak of courtroom secrecy was laid bare last night when David Davis MP detailed the way in which one counter-terrorism operation led directly to a man suffering brutal mistreatment.

In a dramatic intervention using the protection of parliamentary privilege, the former shadow home secretary revealed how MI5 and Greater Manchester police effectively sub-contracted the torture of Rangzieb Ahmed to a Pakistani intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI), whose routine use of torture has been widely documented.

This is the first time that the information has entered the public domain. Previously it has been suppressed through the process of secret court hearings and, had the Guardian or other media organisations reported it, they would have exposed themselves to the risk of prosecution for contempt of court.

Davis told MPs that although sufficient evidence had been gathered to ensure Ahmed could be prosecuted for serious terrorism offences, he was permitted to fly from Manchester to Islamabad, the Pakistani capital, in 2006 while under surveillance. He then detailed the way in which the British authorities:

• Tipped off the ISI that Ahmed was on his way.

• Told the ISI he was a terrorist and suggested that he should be detained.

• Were aware of the methods used by the ISI while questioning terrorism suspects.

• Drew up a list of questions for the ISI to put to Ahmed.

• Questioned him themselves after he had been in ISI custody for around 13 days.

The officers from MI5 and MI6 who interrogated Ahmed should have known his detention was unlawful because he had not been brought before a court. Ahmed says he told these officers he was being tortured and that signs of his mistreatment would have been evident.

He says he was whipped, beaten, deprived of sleep and sexually humiliated. At one point three fingernails were ripped out of his left hand. He says this was done slowly, over a period of days, while he was being asked questions which he believes were handed to the ISI by British and US authorities.

Addressing the Commons last night, Davis said: “A more obvious case of outsourcing of torture, a more obvious case of passive rendition, I cannot imagine. He should have been arrested by the UK in 2006. He was not. The authorities knew he intended to travel to Pakistan, so they should have prevented that. Instead, they suggested the ISI arrest him. They knew he would be tortured, and they organised to construct a list of questions and provide it to the ISI.”

Ahmed was deported to the UK after 13 months in Pakistani custody, prosecuted largely on the basis of evidence gathered before he had travelled to that country, and jailed for life after being found guilty of membership of al-Qaida and directing a terrorist organisation. The jury at Manchester crown court was not told he had been tortured, and some details of the police and MI5 counter-terrorism operation that resulted in his torture would have been heard in camera, before his trial began and after the media and the public had been excluded from court.

Yesterday the Guardian reported that Ahmed alleges he was recently visited by an MI5 officer and a police officer who said they could arrange for his sentence to be reduced, or for him to be paid money, if he withdrew his complaints about torture during his forthcoming appeal and during civil proceedings in which he is suing the British government. Davis said if this claim was true it was “frankly monstrous”.

Ahmed is one of several British citizens and residents who have alleged British complicity in their torture in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Egypt and the UAE during the so-called war on terror.

Davis told MPs : “For each case, the government has denied complicity, but at the same time fiercely defended the secrecy of its actions which has made it impossible to put the full facts in the public domain, despite the clear public interest to doing so.”

Ahmed, he said, “was astonishingly not arrested but was allowed to leave the country … the British intelligence agencies wrote to their opposite numbers in Pakistan, the ISI, to suggest that they arrest him”. Davis went on: “The intelligence officer who wrote to the Pakistanis did so in full knowledge of the normal methods used by the ISI against terrorist suspects that it holds.”

Davis said Ahmed was “viciously tortured by the ISI. He [Ahmed] claims among other things, he was beaten with wooden staves, the size of cricket stumps,whipped with a three-foot length of tyre rubber and had three fingernails removed from his left hand. There is a dispute between British intelligence officers as to exactly when his fingernails were removed, but an independent pathologist confirmed it happened during the period when he was in Pakistani custody.”

Davis called on ministers to examine the in camera sections of legal argument before Ahmed’s trial and all relevant police and intelligence agency records; publish current guidelines on interrogation of detainees held overseas; and establish if any intelligence officer was disciplined.

“The judge in the court case intimated that disciplinary action should be considered. Was this done? If not, why not?”

Davis also said there was a pressing need for an inquiry into Britain’s involvement in torture. “The Americans have made a clean breast of their complicity, whilst explicitly not prosecuting the junior officers who were acting under instruction. We have done the opposite. As it stands, we are awaiting a police investigation which will presumably end in the prosecution of frontline officers. At the same time the government is fighting tooth and nail to use state secrecy to cover up both crimes and political embarrassments, to protect those who are the real villains of the piece, those who approved the policies in the first place.”

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Han Chinese take revenge in Xinjiang ethnic clashes

• Riot police move to break up crowds in Urumqi
• Hundreds take to the streets wielding sticks and shovels

A new wave of violence hit the capital of the Chinese region of Xinjiang today as thousands of angry Han Chinese rampaged through Urumqi, many smashing up Uighur stores and seeking vengeance for Han deaths at the weekend.

The authorities swiftly imposed a curfew on the restive city in an attempt to quell what the government has already described as the worst riots since the foundation of the People’s Republic 60 years ago. Police attempted to disperse today’s mob with teargas as they headed towards a predominantly Uighur area, but many were still on the streets armed with whatever came to hand: wooden staves, iron bars, metal chains, nunchuks, shovels and axes.

Rioters smashed Uighur restaurants, threw rocks at a mosque and threatened residents of Uighur areas, although moderates in the crowd attempted to restrain them.

“They attacked us. Now it’s our turn to attack them,” one protester told Reuters. Another said: “We’re here to demand security for ourselves. They killed children in cold blood.”

“It’s your time to suffer,” they shouted at some of the five- and six-storey apartment blocks lining Xinfu Road.

At least 156 people have been killed and more than 1,000 injured since ethnic clashes broke out at the weekend.

Navi Pillay, the UN high commissioner for human rights, called for “great restraint” on all sides “so as not to spark further violence and loss of life”. “This is a major tragedy,” she said.

There is no official breakdown yet of fatalities and casualties from Sunday’s violence, when an Uighur protest at mistreatment turned into full-scale ethnic clashes.

But witnesses described vicious and apparently indiscriminate attacks on Han Chinese people, although substantial numbers of Uighurs and other ethnic minorities were also injured.

Crowd members today told the Guardian that they believed Uighurs were coming back to attack them.

A respectable-looking middle-class woman carried a plank with a nail sticking out of it; a young woman in a colourful, patterned top and white diamante mules clutched a piece of metal pipe. A father held his young son in one hand and a length of wood in the other.

“We just want to defend our stuff,” said one man.

Few people seemed to know where rumours of further attacks had come from, but witnesses told Reuters that earlier in the day groups of around 10 Uighur men armed with bricks and knives had attacked Han Chinese passersby and shop owners until police arrived.

“They were using everything for weapons, like bricks, sticks and cleavers,” said Ma, an employee at a nearby fastfood restaurant. “Whenever the rioters saw someone on the street, they would ask ‘are you a Uighur?’ If they kept silent or couldn’t answer in the Uighur language, they would get beaten or killed.”

It was not clear if anyone died in those reported attacks.

Authorities were initially slow to react as large numbers of Han Chinese gathered on the streets around the People’s Square in the centre of the city from around 2pm.

But the city’s Communist party chief, Li Zhi, later took to the streets, using a bullhorn from the top of a police four-wheel drive to beg protesters to calm down and go home.

Police stopped the crowd entering an Uighur neighbourhood, but even teargas could not disperse them.

Journalists who tried to follow the crowd were bundled away from the scene “for their own safety”, as protesters turned angrily on some cameramen, shoving and shouting at them.

Elsewhere in the capital, officers pleaded with gangs to go home. One told protesters holding wooden and metal bars: “Please stand away. We are a nation united.”

A man replied: “Our brothers and sisters have been bloodied.”

Another officer told the mob: “We need to protect the law. Please retreat. Please trust us.”

Banks closed their doors and staff crouched inside, some holding staves, while hotel staff taped up windows.

Earlier in the day Chinese armed police and Uighurs clashed as residents erupted into protests during an official media tour of the riot zone, in the face of hundreds of officers.

Women in the marketplace burst into wailing and chanting as foreign reporters arrived, complaining that police had taken away Uighur men.

Authorities have arrested 1,434 people in connection with Sunday’s unrest.

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MI5 ‘tried to bribe torture victim’

Exclusive: Jailed torture victim says he was offered cash to drop collusion claim

The security service MI5 is being accused of attempting to pervert the course of justice by offering a man inducements to drop his allegation that its officers colluded in his torture.

Rangzieb Ahmed had three of his fingernails ripped out after MI5 and Greater Manchester police (GMP) drew up a list of questions for officers from a notorious Pakistani intelligence agency who had detained him in Pakistan. He was later deported to the UK and jailed for terrorism offences. Ahmed says he was visited in prison by an MI5 officer and a police officer who offered to secure a reduction in his sentence or a payment of money to withdraw his torture complaints when his appeal against conviction is heard later this year. His lawyers have written to the Crown Prosecution Service to complain that the approach was “grossly inappropriate” and amounted to an attempt to pervert the course of justice.

As well as lodging an appeal against his conviction, Ahmed is also suing the British government for damages arising out of his treatment in Pakistan. It is thought that his lawyers are planning to rely to some extent on a judgment made after legal argument that preceded his trial, the full details of which are being kept secret at the request of MI5 and GMP.

In an interview with the Guardian last week, Ahmed, 33, from Rochdale, says he received a visit at Manchester prison last April from a man in his 40s who identified himself as an MI5 officer, accompanied by a man in his mid-30s who said he was a police officer. “They said they wanted my advice about tackling extremism and then said they could offer me protection if I helped them. Then they said, ‘If you withdraw what you are saying about torture, we can make a deal with you to reduce your sentence, or if you want to take money we can give you money.’ “

Ahmed’s solicitor, Tayab Ali, of the London law firm Irvine Thanvi Natas, said: “Any attempt to conceal evidence of torture would amount, in this case, to an attempt to pervert the course of justice, and I would expect the courts to take a very serious view of the matter.”

Asked about the allegation, a Home Office spokesman said: “We don’t comment on matters of security. Security service officers act within the law.”

Ahmed had been under surveillance in Manchester and Dubai before travelling to Pakistan where he was picked up and tortured by that country’s Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI).

He was deported to Britain 13 months later and prosecuted on the basis of evidence gathered during the surveillance operation. His lawyers argued unsuccessfully that his trial should not proceed because of the torture he had suffered.

Ahmed was convicted of being a member of al-Qaida and directing a terrorist organisation, and jailed for life. What role, if any, MI5 and GMP may have played in his detention is unclear.

The court heard that two British intelligence officers questioned Ahmed while he was in ISI custody, and he says that the signs of the torture he was enduring would have been obvious to them.

The officers would have been operating in line with a government interrogation policy drawn up for MI5 and MI6 officers in the wake of the September 2001 al-Qaida attacks, which permitted them to question people whom they knew were being tortured, and to submit questions to the torturers, as long as they were not seen to condone what was happening.

The existence of the policy remained a secret until earlier this year, when the high court released a transcript of the cross-examination of an MI5 officer who interrogated Binyam Mohamed, a British resident detained in Pakistan in 2002. The attorney general has since called in Scotland Yard to investigate possible criminal conduct on the part of that officer and those who managed him. Last month the Guardian disclosed that Tony Blair knew of the existence of the secret policy. It remains unclear what Blair knew of its consequences, however.

He has been asked repeatedly what role he played in approving it and whether he was aware that it had led to people being tortured. His spokesman responded by saying that he had never authorised the use of torture.

There has been mounting international concern about Britain’s involvement in the torture of detainees held by overseas intelligence agencies during the so-called war on terror. Earlier this year Martin Scheinin, a UN special rapporteur on human rights, reported that British intelligence personnel had “interviewed detainees who were held incommunicado by the Pakistani ISI in so-called safe houses, where they were being tortured”.

Scheinin said: “The active participation by a state through the sending of interrogators or questions, or even the mere presence of intelligence personnel at an interview with a person who is being held in places where he is tortured or subject to other inhuman treatment, can be reasonably understood as implicitly condoning torture.” Several men have alleged that they were questioned by British intelligence officers after being tortured by Pakistani agents. Most of the men were subsequently released without charge. Allegations of British collusion in torture have also been made by British men detained in Egypt, Bangladesh and the United Arab Emirates.

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Death and debris on Urumqi’s streets

Muslim exiles accused of incitement as UN backs minorities’ right to protest

The Chinese government and Uighur exile groups blamed each other after the deadliest ethnic violence in decades left at least 156 people dead and 800 injured in Urumqi, western China, on Sunday.

As armed police cleared bodies, debris and torched buses from the streets, the government launched a media offensive against Rebiya Kadeer, the leader of the exiled World Uighur Congress.

The Chinese authorities claim she and her supporters masterminded the riot that tore through the capital of the Xinjiang region on Sunday evening, the latest escalation of unrest between indigenous Muslim Uighurs and Han Chinese settlers.

“Rebiya had phone conversations with people in China on 5 July in order to incite, and websites … were used to orchestrate the incitement and spread propaganda,” Xinjiang’s governor, Nur Bekri, said in a televised address.

“The unrest is a pre-empted, organised violent crime. It is instigated and directed from abroad, and carried out by outlaws,” a central government statement noted.

China Central Television broadcast images of attacks on Han and Hui Chinese by angry Uighurs, bodies in the streets and bloodied victims being rushed to hospital. State media said the rioters burned 203 shops, 14 homes, 190 buses, two police cars and more than 60 other vehicles.

Overseas Uighur organisations deny incitement and accuse the security forces of stirring up violence by killing peaceful protesters rallying to honour two Uighurs beaten to death in a racial attack by Han Chinese last month.

The World Uighur Congress said scores of demonstrators were shotdead by riot police and crushed by armed personnel carriers in a heavy-handed attempt to disperse the crowd of 1,000 to 3,000, some of whom were waving Chinese flags.

Kadeer drew parallels between the treatment of Tibet and East Turkestan, as many Uighurs call their homeland.

“It is a common practice of the Chinese government to accuse me for any unrest in East Turkestan and His Holiness the Dalai Lama for any unrest in Tibet,” she said. “The authorities should also acknowledge that their failure to take any meaningful action to punish the Chinese mob for the brutal murder of Uighurs is the real cause of this protest.”

Others asked for international support for the Uighurs to peacefully protest against Chinese rule, racial discrimination and restrictions on freedom of religion.

Independent verification of the opposing claims was difficult. Many areas of the city were blocked and mobile and internet communications disrupted. China Mobile’s phone service was suspended in the region “to help keep the peace and prevent the incident from spreading further,” a customer service representative in Urumqi told Associated Press.

Little evidence was presented of incitement and the authorities have not released a casualty list.

Armed police have flooded the city, setting up road blocks and rounding up hundreds of suspects.

The police chief, Liu Yaohua, told the state-run Xinhua news agency that checkpoints had been set up to prevent 90 “key suspects” fleeing. He predicted the death toll would rise further.

The Urumqi municipal government issued emergency controls banning traffic in certain areas from 1am to 8am to “maintain social order in the city and guarantee the execution of duty by state organs”.

In Geneva, the UN secretary general, Ban Ki-Moon, urged governments to respect citizens’ right to protest.

Roseann Rife, Amnesty International’s deputy director for Asia and the Pacific, said: “The Chinese authorities must fully account for all those who died and have been detained. There has been a tragic loss of life and it is essential that an urgent independent investigation takes place to bring all those responsible for the deaths to justice.”

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UK and France agree immigration clampdown

£15m allocated to border controls and repatriation of Calais immigrants stepped up as Brown and Sarkozy meet before G8

The government today agreed a new deal to handle the growing crisis of migrants gathered at Calais, allocating £15m to tighten British border controls, while France promised to begin voluntary and forced repatriations.

The deal, agreed as Gordon Brown met Nicolas Sarkozy for a pre-G8 summit in the Alpine town of Evian, was claimed as a breakthrough by the minister for borders and immigration, Phil Woolas – the first time France has explicitly agreed to step up removal flights from northern France.

There are currently around 1,600 mainly Afghan and Eritrean migrants sleeping rough in makeshift tents on the Nord-Pas-de-Calais coast, desperate to reach Kent by stowing away under cars and lorries. With an epidemic of scabies and lack of running water in the squatter camps known as “the jungle”, the sanitation crisis is the worst since the Red Cross centre at Sangatte closed in 2002. Last week the United Nations High Commission for Refugees started advising migrants about their legal rights.

Woolas said: “We’ve agreed to spend an extra £15m over the next two years on equipment to make the border impervious, and the French have agreed to introduce voluntary and then forced returns to source countries. We have been saying to them, ‘What’s the point of us pulling off all these measures to stop people getting through if you arrest and let them through further down the road?’”

He said Britain would invest in more scanning equipment, dog controls and lorry searches as well as a facility to process people. France would step up repatriations and planned to raze “the jungle” by the end of the year. Woolas said the next measure would be “to challenge people traffickers and routes overseas, setting up a joint office on intelligence”.

Pierre Henry of France Terre d’Asile, an NGO working with the UN to advise the migrants, warned that the measures “must strike a balance between border control, dealing with criminality but also the humanitarian element of protection for people who need it”.

Brown and Sarkozy used their second Anglo-French summit to mount a united front for the G8 summit, promising joint action to tackle climate change with new targets for reducing carbon emissions; pressure for tougher financial regulation and a clampdown on tax havens.

Brown was gushing in his praise for his French counterpart, saying “President Sarkozy, mon ami, you are truly a force of nature”, hailing his “drive and determination to make the world a safer place, a more prosperous place, a greener place”.

Sarkozy said Britain could count “unreservedly” on French support over “the totally unfair, disproportionate attacks and criticism” by the Iranian leadership. He said: “We will do whatever [the British] want us to do.” He added: “The Iranian people deserve better than the leadership they have today.”

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Inquiry into torture claims against UK troops

Government criticised by court for holding back critical evidence

An independent inquiry is to be held into allegations that British soldiers mutilated and murdered civilians in Iraq – and the government has been forced to admit that key documents had not been disclosed.

In a letter read out in court today, the defence secretary, Bob Ainsworth, said he “profoundly regrets” the failures to disclose relevant documents. Though he denied the allegations, he said he was now prepared to set up an inquiry under European human rights convention articles enshrining the right to life and prohibiting torture, or inhuman or degrading treatment.

The government made the concession after documents, which contradict claims made on oath by officials, were belatedly disclosed to the high court.

They reveal that ministers, possibly including Tony Blair, knew much more about the incident than they have admitted.

In a series of sharp exchanges, Lord Justice Scott Baker accused the Ministry of Defence of “a complete waste of time, at vast expense” for failing to disclose important evidence in hearings that have been going on for nearly two years.

He also lambasted the MoD for claiming gagging orders on information that had already been published. The judge described the ministry’s behaviour as “extremely worrying”.

The military police have consistently claimed an investigation into the allegations was unnecessary as the Iraqis had not complained about their treatment until much later.

Documents revealed to the court today showed that the Iraqi detainees had complained at the time to the Red Cross. They also show that ministers knew about them a week after the incident on 14 May 2004.

On that day British troops fought with insurgents in a fierce exchange known as “the battle of Danny Boy”, a road checkpoint near Majar-al-Kabir in Maysan province. The next day the bodies of 20 Iraqis were returned to their families.

Six Iraqis have been seeking an inquiry into the allegation that some of the 20 were taken as prisoners to Camp Abu Naji, an army base, where they were interrogated and tortured before being killed.

The MoD says all 20 died “on the battlefield” and their bodies were taken to Abu Naji to be photographed, to see if one was an insurgent suspected of helping kill six military police the previous year. It says only nine live prisoners were taken to the camp, and all left alive. A subsequent military police investigations cleared UK forces of any wrongdoing.

Clive Lewis QC, for the MoD, said no decision had yet been made on what kind of inquiry would be set up. He suggested it could take the form of a police investigation, though not by the military police, or incorporated into a public inquiry – due to start later this month – into the death of Baha Mousa, the Basra hotel receptionist killed in British custody in 2003. The European convention states that an inquiry must be independent. Scott Baker warned the MoD he did not want an inquiry “just to disappear in the undergrowth”.

Crucial documents disclosed yesterday show that Red Cross officials visited the British detention facility between 17 May and 19 May 2004, a few days after the incident. Though they praised some aspects of the detention centre, they referred to what they called “one major concern” – a Red Cross doctor said in some cases “injuries to wrists indicated excessive force”.

He added that injuries to the face suggested they were inflicted when the detainees were being “held down” or “defenceless”. The Red Cross asked for an investigation.

The documents show that the MoD hierarchy, including Adam Ingram, then armed forces minister, was told about the Red Cross concerns a few days later and that the military police had started an investigation. They include a draft letter from Ingram to 10 Downing Street passing on the information.

Rabinder Singh QC, for the Iraqis, told the high court yesterday: “What can’t now be said is that the claimants [the Iraqis] did not make complaints and therefore there was no need for an investigation at the time.”

It was impossible to exaggerate the seriousness of the matter, he said, noting that his clients had been called liars many times. He continued: “Somebody in the government must have known they had indeed done what they said in court.”

He added: “Ministers were told the case was being investigated and it was not.”

Singh singled out Colonel Dudley Giles, a senior military police officer and MoD witness. He had “not told the truth to this court, in evidence, he did not tell the truth” about when investigations into the allegations were first made, Singh said.

Scott Baker, sitting with Mr Justice Silber and Mr Justice Sweeney, showed their view about the MoD’s attitude by awarding especially high “indemnity costs” to the Iraqis’ lawyers.

The judge also agreed to stay the current judicial review hearings, but not until the MoD had said what kind of inquiry it proposed to set up.

Phil Shiner, solicitor for the Iraqis, said that for years they had been accused of lying “for propaganda reasons”. He described it as “a momentous day”.

The armed forces minister, Bill Rammell, said: “It is clear from the evidence that no one was murdered or ill-treated by British forces. It is also clear that British forces did not mutilate corpses on the battlefield, and there is independent expert testimony to support this.”

He added: “However, these are serious allegations and we regret that we have failed to provide the court with timely and sufficient disclosure of information to enable them to determine the facts.”

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Ban Ki-moon criticised for Burma junta praise

The UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, faced a barrage of criticism tonight for apparently praising the Burmese junta without winning any concessions over human rights or a move towards democracy.

Ban was under pressure to produce concrete results from his two-day mission to Burma, which was criticised as providing an endorsement to the Burmese leadership just as it is staging a trial of the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.

The high-stakes visit to Burma comes at a critical time for Ban, whose low-key approach to his job has been criticised as ineffectual. He came under further fire on arrival in Naypyidaw, the regime’s headquarters, when he told the head of the junta, General Than Shwe: “I appreciate your commitment to moving your country forward.”

“That is absolute nonsense,” said Brad Adams, a Burma specialist at Human Rights Watch. “It’s just what we implored him not to say, to make these diplomatic gaffes. Than Shwe has steadily moved his country backwards.”

British officials were also furious at the remarks. They had urged Ban not to visit Burma, and risk handing the junta a propaganda prize with his visit, without first ensuring he would gain concessions in the form of the release of political prisoners and steps towards genuine democracy.

“Only agreement to release all political prisoners [and] start a genuine dialogue with the opposition and ethnic groups will give any credibility to the elections in 2010,” Gordon Brown said in an article in the US online magazine The Huffington Post. According to No 10, Brown calls Ban at least twice a week to discuss Burma.

“I hope that Ban Ki-moon can convince the generals to take the first steps,” Brown said. “A serious offer is on the table: the international community will work with Burma if the generals are prepared to embark on a genuine transition to democracy. But if the Burmese regime refuses to engage, the international community must be prepared to respond robustly.”

However, Than Shwe said little at his meeting with Ban, and did not grant the secretary general’s request to meet Suu Kyi in prison. Ban expressed hope that a meeting could still be permitted.

“I am leaving tomorrow, so logically speaking I am waiting for a reply before my departure,” he said. The secretary general added that he had called for the release of all political prisoners before the elections, but got no response. He said Than Shwe had assured him, however, that the vote had been “fair, free and transparent”.

However, Adams said: “The benchmark for success can’t be what it was in the past. A meeting with Than Shwe is not a success. Even a meeting with Suu Kyi shouldn’t be counted as a success, if all it means is she goes from being in jail back to being under house arrest.

“We have cautioned against this trip because it seems to be a trip for its own sake without any prospect of success.”

Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace laureate, is on trial because an American supporter entered her compound, breaking the terms of her house arrest. Suu Kyi’s lawyers said the man swam to the compound without her permission and had been urged to leave. The trial was adjourned yesterday until 10 July.

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CIA officials called to testify over spoiled tapes

• 92 video tapes may have been illegally destroyed
• London station chief included in inquiry

Senior Central Intelligence Agency officials, including the London station chief, have been brought before a grand jury in Virginia investigating the potentially illegal destruction of 92 video tapes recording the torture and interrogation of al-Qaida detainees.

A special prosecutor, John Durham, has called the CIA officials as part of an 18-month-long criminal probe in to the destruction of evidence of the agency’s interrogators using waterboarding and other forms of torture against Abu Zubaydah and Abd al-Rahim al Nashiri who are described by the Americans as “high value” detainees now held at Guantánamo Bay.

Those ordered to testify include the former CIA chief, Porter J Gross. Another is a woman who is not publicly named who heads the agency’s London station. She previously worked as the chief of staff for the head of the CIA’s clandestine branch, Jose Rodriguez, who is the focus of the investigation.

The New York Times reports that former CIA officers have identified the woman as having helped carry out Rodriguez’s order to destroy the tapes which had been kept in a safe in at the agency’s station in Thailand where the torture and interrogations were carried out.

Rodriquez is reported to have been concerned that agents might have been identified and endangered if the tapes leaked.

But the CIA will also have been concerned that some of its agents may have been open to prosecution under domestic and international laws against torture besides the enormous damage to its already battered reputation if video were made public of the extended torture and brutal techniques used against the captives. The impact is likely to have been much greater than the outcry caused by the pictures of abuse by US soldiers at Baghdad’s Abu Ghraib prison.

President Obama has since pledged not to prosecute individual agents for their part in torture and interrogations because they were assured by the Bush administration that their actions were legal.

The investigation was launched because the destruction of the tapes may amount to a criminal offense because it was evidence that could have been used in any prosecutions for torture. Robriquez has told colleagues that he received legal guidance from CIA lawyers who told him he had the authority to order the destruction of the tapes.

However it remains open to question whether anyone will be brought to trial for that or other alleged offenses given the Obama administration’s desire to reassure CIA agents that they will not be pursued over past crimes.

The existence of the tapes was only made public after they were destroyed.
On Thursday, the Obama administration said it will delay until the end of next month the release of a 2004 CIA report detailing the torture and other abuse of prisoners held in clandestine prisons oversees.

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Gordon’s sexual apartheid

The prime minister should not be boasting about his gay-friendly credentials when he supports the ban on same-sex marriage

I am not surprised that Gordon Brown has turned down an invitation to march on Saturday’s Pride London gay parade. Downing Street is claiming that “security considerations” prevent the prime minister from attending. This is a poor excuse. Doesn’t he have bodyguards and a flak jacket?

More likely, he is not marching because he fears he would be booed and jeered, like he was at the D-day commemorations. His government is not as pro-gay rights as it claims. He has angered many people in the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community by blocking full equality on issues such as civil marriage and protection against homophobic harassment, which is explicitly excluded from the current equality bill.

Nevertheless, Brown is sending to the parade, in his place, his delightful wife, Sarah.

She will be marching with us. Presumably the Downing Street security people have deemed that, compared to her husband, she is less of a protest target and less likely to be the victim of an assassination attempt. I see. Put the woman in the frontline. Hmm! Isn’t this a wee bit sexist and cowardly?

Never mind, I look forward to marching with Sarah. Her participation and support – even as a substitute for the PM – is much appreciated.

I won’t embarrass her. I will be on my best behaviour. But I do plan to remind Sarah that she and Gordon were able to get married, whereas gay couples cannot. Her husband supports the ban on same-sex marriage. He won’t give lesbian and gay partners the same right to marry as he and his wife have enjoyed.

I hope Sarah will be persuaded that the time has come for marriage equality, and that she’ll have a word in Gordon’s ear, urging him to legislate equal marriage rights, when she gets back to Downing Street after the parade. Perhaps she can influence Gordon is a progressive direction just like Carla Bruni has allegedly persuaded her husband, the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, to temper some of his more rightwing policies.

What’s all the fuss about gay marriage, some people cry. Don’t we already have it? No, civil partnerships are not marriage or equality. They are a form of sexual apartheid: gay couples cannot have a civil marriage and heterosexual couples cannot have a civil partnership. Call me ungrateful, but I think it is wrong to have different laws for gay people and those who are straight. In a democracy, the law is supposed to apply equally to everyone. This means marriage equality for all.

I argue for legalising same-sex marriage, even though I don’t much like the institution of marriage and its often less-than-noble history of subjugating women. Although I would not want to get married myself, I oppose marriage discrimination and defend the right of other same-sex couples to get married if they wish.

In March this year, at a Downing Street reception for gay community leaders, from which I was excluded, Gordon Brown condemned the way Proposition 8 in California outlaws gay marriage. Isn’t this a tad hypocritical, given that his government also outlaws same-sex marriage?

According to an anonymous tip-off I received on Monday this week, Brown has ensured that I am not on the invite list for this Saturday’s gay pride reception at Downing Street, which he will host. The reception is being held for “prominent gay campaigners”. The official excuse for not inviting me, according my tip-off, is that I am “not prominent enough”. Well, yes, I am not exactly a household name. But are any of the other invitees?

Does my exclusion have anything to do with the fact that I have criticised the government’s ban on same-sex marriage and gay blood donors, and its refusal to give asylum to gay refugees who have fled homophobic persecution in countries such as Uganda, Iran, Nigeria, Iraq and Belarus?

I also understand that Brown is still angry that I heckled him over his government’s “war on terror” and its erosion of civil liberties, when he opened the Taking Liberties exhibition at the British Library late last year. Perhaps he fears a repeat embarrassment?

I have been campaigning for LGBT human rights for 40 years, starting after the Stonewall riots in 1969. I was one of the group of people who helped organise Britain’s first gay pride parade in 1972.

I don’t do my human rights work to win awards, titles, honours or invites. It doesn’t matter to me that I haven’t been invited to Downing Street. What angers me is the principle – the way the prime minister invites and fetes mostly pro-Labour loyalists in the LGBT community; ignoring all other campaigners. It is a manipulative divide and rule tactic by an insecure government that knows its record on lesbian and gay human rights is not as glorious as it claims.

Instead of remedying the remaining aspects of homophobic discrimination, Brown seems more interested in isolating and excluding gay voices who continue to insist on full LGBT equality.

The Labour government’s many commendable gay law reforms over the last decade are no excuse for its stonewalling on the abolition of these lingering aspects of homophobic inequality. Perhaps the prime minister should concentrate less on boasting about his gay-friendly credentials and spend a bit more time delivering the polices that will complete the quest for LGBT human rights.

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Don’t blame the G20 police officers

Those who gave the orders, not those who followed them, should take responsibility for violent policing at the G20 protests

In the evidence provided to MPs regarding the policing of the G20, Commander Bob Broadhurst, the head of the Public Order Unit, has unsurprisingly tried to lay the blame at the feet of ordinary police officers for the violent and repressive policing at the G20, citing inexperienced police officers for the levels of “inappropriate violence”.

However, while it is true that there were inexperienced City police on the frontline, it is disingenuous to imply that they were responsible for the worst of the violence. Most of the major cases of police brutality that have emerged from the G20, including the attacks on Ian Tomlinson and Nicky Fisher, were carried out by territorial support group (TSG) officers. These TSG members are level 1 trained – the highest level of public order training available in the police service – and have faced many allegations of violence.

Yet it is still not fair to simply blame the TSG. I have surprised people with my (relative) sympathy for some of the TSG officers involved in policing the G20, and their position as stated on several police blogs, that they were only doing what they were trained to do. While “just following orders” can never be an excuse, the TSG weren’t doing anything they hadn’t done before, and I can understand why they were shocked at this sudden public outcry over their tactics. If Tomlinson hadn’t died, there would have been nothing remarkable about the policing operation, and Broadhurst would have used his normal nugget of “violent troublemakers” to justify the brutality of his officers.

Broadhurst was the “gold commander” for G20 policing – he gave the orders, he implemented the kettles and he ordered the clearing of the Climate Camp. He gave these orders with a full awareness of the tactics his officers would deploy. However, the responsibility of senior public order officers goes further than this. It was Superintendent David Hartshorn’s briefings prior to the G20 that set the tone for the policing operation. His comments regarding the G20 being the start of a “summer of rage” meant everyone, from officers on the ground to protesters to the media, were hyped up to the point where confrontation was inevitable.

The police force must be held to account for their actions, and there are many good aspects to the report. Suggestions such as an end to kettling, and reiterating that police officers should always wear their numbers, are of course welcome. However, in order to evaluate the tactics and violence used at the G20 – and other protests – blame needs to be laid firmly on the heads of the people who gave the orders, and implemented the repressive policies seen on the street. It is not fair to simply blame the foot soldiers, and Broadhurst still has many questions to answer.

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MPs condemn police G20 tactics

Keep untrained officers off frontline at demos, says highly critical Commons committee report

Untrained officers must never again be put in the frontline of policing public protests, according to a highly critical MPs’ report on the G20 protests published today.

The conclusion from the Commons home affairs select committee inquiry into the G20 protests of April 1 follows admissions from senior Metropolitan police officers that some inexperienced officers, who were clearly quite scared, used “inappropriate force”.

The report by the cross-party group of MPs says they “cannot condone the use of untrained, inexperienced officers on the frontline of a public protest under any circumstances”.

Their inquiry also calls for the police to seriously consider whether they can continue with the use of tactics such as kettling – containing protesters behind cordons for a sustained period of time – and the controlled use of force against those who appear hostile without first holding a public debate over the future of policing public protests.

During the G20 protests the Met repeatedly attempted to “kettle” thousands of mainly peaceful demonstrators .

The technique is widely believed to have sparked angry confrontations with protesters, who complained that they were penned in for hours and subjected to baton charges.

Officers in charge of the Met’s public order operations have been lobbying hard to retain the kettling tactic, which they regard as an effective method of preventing unruly protests from spreading through large areas of a city.

The select committee stops short of commenting on the death of the newspaper vendor Ian Tomlinson or the case of Nicola Fisher, who was struck across the face by a police sergeant. But the MPs say that the images and film footage of those incidents shocked the public and have the potential to undermine trust in the police. They hoped the incidents would mark the start of a widespread debate on the use of force by the police.

“The basic principle that the police must remember is that protesters are not criminals – the police’s doctrine must remain focused on allowing protest to happen peacefully,” said Keith Vaz, the committee chairman.

“In many ways this was a large protest which passed off remarkably well. But it is clear that concerns about the policing of the G20 protests have damaged the public’s confidence in the police and that is a great shame.”

He said the ability of the public and the media to monitor every single action of the police through CCTV, mobile phones and video equipment means they have to take even greater care to ensure that all their actions are justifiable.

“There must not be a repetition of this – never again must untrained officers be placed on the frontline of public protest.”

The report describes the policing of the G20 protests as a “remarkably successful operation” in which more than 35,000 demonstrated in the centre of London yet with the minimum of disruption to the City: “Aside from a few high-profile incidents, the policing of the G20 protests passed without drama,” say the MPs before adding that an element of luck played a part in that success.

The MPs repeat their belief that there are no circumstances in which it is acceptable for police officers not to wear their identification numbers and urge those who consciously remove them to face the strongest disciplinary action.

During the Commons inquiry, Commander Bob Broadhurst, the “gold commander” in charge of the G20 policing operation, told the MPs that there had not been any large-scale disorder in London for a number of years of the kind seen summer after summer in the 1980s and 1990s: “That means I now have a workforce of relatively young people that we draw on who are policing Sutton High Street one day and the next day called into central London.”

He said there were 2,500 officers who had only two days of public order training a year and the vast majority of whom had never faced a situation as violent as the G20 protest before.

“That may also be why one or two of them, as you have seen on television, may have used inappropriate force at times … I would probably say that was probably more fear and lack of control, whereas our experience in the past is the more we experience these things, the less quick officers are to go to the use of force because they understand more the dynamics,” he said.

The MPs say the risk of relying so heavily on untrained, inexperienced officers in such a highly combustible atmosphere must never be taken again.

Their report also confirms criticisms of police communications with the media and with the protesters and question why it took the personal intervention of Broadhurst to relay the message that the press should be let out of the cordons.

The MPs’ findings are published ahead of a report by Denis O’Connor, the chief inspector of constabulary, in which senior police officers will be told they must use “reasonable discretion” when containing large numbers of protesters. O’Connor was asked to carry out a national review of public order policing by the Metropolitan police commissioner in April. He is due to publish his findings this week.

O’Connor is considering whether to endorse a “human rights-based” approach to policing advocated by Sir Hugh Orde, the incoming chief of the Association of Chief Police Officers. Orde is promoting a model of policing protest developed in Northern Ireland that sees greater emphasis placed on communicating with protesters and facilitating their right to protest.

However, Orde’s position, which gives protesters more freedom to roam, is considered soft by some senior Met officers.

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