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Twin Uganda bombings kill 74 at World Cup parties


KAMPALA (Reuters/AFP) – Somali rebel group Al-Shabaab said on Monday they had carried out two bomb attacks in Uganda that killed 74 soccer fans watching the World Cup final on television, Al Jazeera television reported.
The explosions in the closing moments of Sunday’s match ripped through two crowded venues in the capital Kampala — an Ethiopian-themed restaurant and a rugby club.
Al-Shabaab rebels in Somalia have threatened to attack Uganda for sending peacekeeping troops to the anarchic country to prop up the Western-backed government.
“At one of the scenes, investigators identified a severed head of a Somali national, which we suspect could have been a suicide bomber,” said army spokesman Felix Kulayigye.
“We suspect it’s Al-Shabaab because they’ve been promising this for long,” he said on Monday.
An Al-Shabaab commander in Mogadishu praised the attacks but admitted he did not know whether his group was behind them.
“Uganda is a major infidel country supporting the so-called government of Somalia,” said Sheikh Yusuf Isse, an Al -Shabaab commander in the Somali capital.
“We know Uganda is against Islam and so we are very happy at what has happened in Kampala. That is the best news we ever heard,” he said.
Burundi, which also contributes troops to the Somalia peacekeeping mission, has stepped up security, an army spokesman said in the capital, Bujumbura.
One American was among those killed and President Barack Obama, condemning what he called deplorable and cowardly attacks, said Washington was ready to help Uganda in hunting down those responsible. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also condemned the attacks on “innocent spectators.”
One bombing targeted the Ethiopian Village restaurant, a popular night-spot which was heaving with soccer fans and is frequented by foreign visitors. The second attack struck the Lugogo Rugby Club also showing the match.
Twin coordinated attacks have been a hallmark of Al-Qaeda and groups linked to Osama bin LadenÂ’s militant network.
“Right now the official figure is 74 dead,” government spokesman Fred Opolot said. “There is a white woman, one person of Indian descent, 10 Eritreans or Ethiopians.”
The US State Department confirmed that one American citizen was killed and five injured. The US charity Invisible Children said one of its members, Nate Henn from Wilmington, Delaware, had been killed in the rugby club blast.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni visited the rugby club.
The blasts come in the closing moments of the final between Spain and the Netherlands and left shocked survivors reeling among corpses and scattered chairs.
“We were watching soccer here and then when there were three minutes to the end of the match an explosion came … and it was so loud,” witness Juma Seiko said at the rugby club.
Heavily armed police cordoned off both blast sites and searched the areas with sniffer dogs while dazed survivors helped pull the wounded from the wreckage.
In Kampala, Somali residents voiced fears of a backlash.
In Washington, US National Security Council spokesman Mike Hammer said Obama was “deeply saddened by the loss of life resulting from these deplorable and cowardly attacks.”
“The United States is ready to provide any assistance requested by the Ugandan government,” said Hammer.
UN chief Ban Ki-moon strongly condemned Monday bomb blasts in the Ugandan capital Kampala.
A statement issued by BanÂ’s office said the United Nations secretary general had expressed hope the perpetrators of the attacks would be brought to justice and prosecuted.
Ban “strongly condemns the vicious bombings in Kampala that claimed the lives of dozens of people and left hundreds wounded among Ugandans and other nationalities at establishments where they were watching the World Cup final,” it said.

Bomb blasts kill dozens in Uganda

Two separate bomb blasts in the Ugandan capital of Kampala have killed at least 64 people. An American is reported to be among the dead.

International justice: Courting disaster?

At its forthcoming review, the International Criminal Court has things to celebrate, things to improve and pitfalls to avoid

EVERY time the world learns of some unspeakable outrage from a benighted battle zone, the cry goes out that such things must never recur. That was the reaction after the Rwandan genocide; after the ethnic cleansing, mass killing and rape perpetrated in former Yugoslavia; after the terrible atrocities of Sierra Leone and Congo; and after the targeting of civilians in Sudan’s Darfur region. So to its supporters, the opening eight years ago of an International Criminal Court (ICC) based at The Hague, ready if no one else will to arrest and try the worst perpetrators of such crimes, was a step in the right direction. Yet as they gather in Kampala, Uganda, on May 31st for a two-week review of the ICC’s workings, the 111 states that accept its jurisdiction face big responsibilities.

Their hard look at the court’s role and record comes as the ad-hoc tribunals set up to try those responsible for atrocities in Rwanda, Yugoslavia and Sierra Leone (before the ICC existed) are winding down. As their permanent replacement, the ICC is gaining authority as the proper court of last resort for three sets of crimes: crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Its record in handling cases it has taken on so far will be under close scrutiny. …

US warns of attack threat to Sudan-Uganda flights

The United States has warned that “regional extremists” were planning a deadly attack on Air Uganda flights between southern Sudan and Kampala. The US Embassy in Khartoum did not name the potential attackers but has said in the past that terrorist groups were active in Sudan.

Hidden wounds

Stone Town, Zanzibar, BBC file photo

By Yasmin Alibhai-Brown
Zanzibar

I often went to Zanzibar as a child, with my mother, who was born in Dar es Salaam.

We would take a crowded ferry and stay at a hostel for poor women and their kids, who wanted a subsidised break by the sea.

The women in the local mosque provided lunch and we had a wonderful time.

The island, a fabulous mix of Arab, African, Indian and Persian cultures and peoples, was utterly unlike my racially-divided hometown, Kampala, in Uganda.

Abomination

Then, one day, my mother told me about the thousands of black slaves who had been captured in the hinterlands and brought to the island to be sold.

She took me to Bagamoyo, the slave port on the mainland: the word means "lay down your heart".

That trade went on from the Seventh Century until – it is claimed – the beginning of the 20th Century.

Throughout early history, enslavement was common around the world, and East Africa was just one more lucrative location.

But here, the abomination went on longer than at any other time or place.

The traders were mostly Arab, though some Indian merchants were actively involved.

"My grandmother had a baby, and the baby was still feeding – but the traders said this would delay the journey so they just threw the baby away"

Leila, whose grandparents were slaves

Those who captured and sold humans to the businessmen were local African chiefs and henchmen.

A febrile young child, I was distraught when I learned that Muslims had perpetuated this evil. How could it be

The Prophet Mohammed had freed Bilal, a black slave, and asked him to make the first-ever call to prayer. Surely that meant something

And, as the years went on and we learned to look back with abhorrence at the practice of owning and exploiting humans, how come there was no acknowledgement of this injustice in Zanzibar

The questions circled around in my head obsessively when I was a young teen.

Revolution

Then came 1964, and the island detonated.

A revolution led by African soldiers deposed the constitutional monarch, Sultan Seyyid Bin Abdullah.

It was, in part, retaliation for slavery – by people, and upon people, who were not responsible.

It felt as if some ancient God of vengeance had risen from the sea.

They slaughtered anyone who looked Arab, and some Indians too. They took their daughters to rape, confiscated their properties and banished many.

To this day there is no list of the dead – those tortured and dumped into the sea – the disappeared and the exiles.

Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, Zanzibar, 2009

My mother and I never went back to our favourite place, but for years I have wanted to reveal these veiled stories.

Returning for the first time in more than 40 years for the BBC World Service’s Heart and Soul strand, I interviewed Leila, 99, whose grandparents were enslaved.

"My grandmother had a baby, and the baby was still feeding – but the traders said this would delay the journey so they just threw the baby away," she said.

"My father was also thrown away but the missionaries took him in and looked after him here."

Leila became very emotional.

"It is very painful – so many cruel people," she said.

"It’s very hard because we can’t remember our home, can’t see or know our relatives. We are cut off from our history."

When we turned the tape recorder off, her eyes glazed over and she threw up blood all over her lovely satin dress – and me.

Then there were those I talked to about the revolution in 1964.

"We are called Arabs, but I don’t even speak a word of Arabic"

Suleman Hamed, whose relatives were killed

Those who knew the violated and stolen girls cried as they spoke. They were taking risks talking to us, but it was time to do so, they said.

On a secluded beach away from the main town, Suleman Hamed told me how his uncle, sister and brother-in-law were killed.

"People were killed in the streets and houses, and the revolutionaries take your wife and daughters – for raping. That was a horrible time. We think as if it was yesterday. And all because their ancestors were Arabs. We are called Arabs, but I don’t even speak a word of Arabic."

The historian Maalim Idris says he witnessed the gutters running with Arab and Indian blood.

He showed me photographs of mass graves and of trucks piled high with corpses being driven through the main street.

He believes no fewer than 3,000 Arabs and Indians were killed during the revolution, but there is no official figure.

No healing

Going back to Zanzibar was a life lesson in the potency of the whole historical truth.

Those of Arab descent feel too defensive about the slave trade and focus on the revolution; Africans dwell on the trade and expect no mention of the barbaric acts of the revolutionaries.

There will not be real, deep healing between the citizens of various ethnicities until everyone talks more honestly about past injustices.

Without that, paradise is but an illusion.

An earlier version of this piece appeared in Yasmin Alibhai-Brown’s column in the Independent newspaper. Her radio documentaries can be heard via the Heart and Soul website.</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Irrigation is key to food security

Irrigation seems to have been left off the agenda when it comes to discussing food security in Uganda. It needs to be added now, argues Richard M Kavuma

As we now know, the people of Katine, the wider Teso region and other parts of Uganda are bracing themselves for famine following back-to-back drought. This is, of course, bad news, which makes the recent G8 pledge to support Africa to feed itself all the more timely. But what bothers me is the failure of the Ugandan government and indeed its donors – including the UK – to realise that simplistic solutions will only be stop-gap measures. Yes, there is talk about fertilizers and drought-resistant crop varieties, but governments have pretty much maintained a business-as-usual approach to agriculture. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development’s 2009 Least Developed Countries report says as much.

People in Katine realise that the weather is changing and many ask what is happening to “their” world. A year ago, one village leader’s message to the G8 heads of state was that they should help Katine plant trees to help stabilise the unpredictable weather. Of course, planting a tree in Katine is no panacea for all the crimes committed against the planet, especially by wealthier countries, but the 55-year-old village chairman was thinking along the right lines. But what does his president, Yoweri Museveni, in Kampala think? That it is all right for natural forests like Mabira to be replaced with sugar cane farms because sugar cane companies will pay billions of Ugandan shillings in taxes.

One painful thing about this drought/famine scenario was echoed by Stephen Ochola, Soroti district chairman, the other day: How can Egypt and Israel, which are largely deserts, grow fruits and export juice, while Uganda, blessed with rich soils, rainfall and lakes and rivers, starves? Why, Ochola wondered, can’t Uganda start seriously promoting irrigation to supplement the rains when necessary?

Out of Uganda’s estimated 400,000 hectares of irrigable land, barely 5% is under irrigation – and these are large-scale farms. The government has for years talked about harnessing water for production, but there is too little being done.

People must find creative ways to harness water resources to make irrigation by smallholder farmers possible. But they need creative, committed leadership. It is expensive, of course, but who said saving lives was going to be cheap? For without a change in approach this is what it will come down to – saving people from starving to death.

Another issue that does not feature in the G8 text was brought up by farmer Julius Eilu, who is already having trouble feeding his family of nine children. Asked what he would do to cope, Eilu said: “Perhaps I should stop fathering children.” This is a telling statement by a father in an area where children come with some pride.

Eilu’s president in Kampala sees no problem with Uganda’s population growth rate of 3.2% per year. In fact he thinks Uganda’s population of 30 million is too small. Yet as families have more children that they can hardly afford, farmland gets fragmented into small plots for the many siblings, productivity reduces and the dependence ratio grows. Couple that with unpredictable weather and the business-as-usual approach of the state and you have the recipe for a perpetually food-insecure, poor country.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Robyn Hillman-Harrigan: The Reckoning — Interview with Director Pamela Yates

The film was stark and penetrating. It discussed the worst war crimes and crimes against humanity of our time, but did so in a rational, rights based justice context.

Pakistan Facing New Censure

Commonwealth may suspend the country if emergency rule continues

LONDON – As Commonwealth foreign ministers debated whether to suspend
Pakistan from the grouping if it does not lift its state of emergency,
opposition leader Benazir Bhutto ruled out any more power-sharing talks
with President Pervez Musharraf and said her party may boycott the coming
elections if it’s held under emergency rule.

The Commonwealth Ministerial Action group met yesterday to consider the
suspension of Pakistan from the 53-nation group, as it did for five years
when Gen Musharraf seized power in a coup in 1999.

But its powers of persuasion are limited and suspension is the ultimate
sanction. Pakistan was restored to the group in 2004 after Gen Musharraf
promised to step down as military chief – something he has yet to do.

British officials said, however, that an immediate decision was unlikely,
with any action deferred to a meeting of Commonwealth heads of government
from Nov 23 to 25 in Kampala, Uganda.

Meanwhile, two-time former Premier Bhutto is set on collision course with
the military ruler. She had been in Western-backed negotiations with Gen
Musharraf before he declared a state of emergency on Nov 3, but said she
was changing tack.

“We are saying no to any more talks,” Ms Bhutto said. “We cannot work with
anyone who has suspended the Constitution, imposed emergency rule, and
oppressed the judiciary. That’s why we are holding the ‘long march’.”

She also said that “boycotting the election is an option” with her
Pakistan People’s Party.

It is the largest political group in the country and any boycott would
damage the credibility of the polls scheduled for January.

She promised to press ahead with a protest march from Lahore to the
capital Islamabad planned for today, despite warnings from officials that
they will not allow it.

“There will be no long march,” a senior government official in Punjab, the
province that includes Lahore, told AFP under cover of anonymity. “It will
not be permitted.”

“It’s a political decision,” Lahore police chief Malik Mohammad Iqbal
said, warning that the threat of militant attacks on the march was
“imminent and it is of the highest degree.” – AGENCIES