• Cash infusion may reverse historic decline
• Government move has economic and political motives
Council house building is to restart in earnest for the first time in almost 20 years in England with local authorities set to construct 139,000 homes over the next decade. Town halls have predicted that rule changes announced by ministers last week allowing them to retain rent from council housing and receipts from right-to-buy purchasers, rather than the money going to the Treasury, mean that building is set to return to levels not seen since 1990.
It will reverse a dramatic decline in council house building that began in the 1950s when local authorities built as many as 245,000 units a year and reshaped the nation’s skyline with tower blocks and cottage-style brick terraces. In the 21st century as few as 130 council houses have been built each year.
“We could be on the verge of the biggest programme of council house building in a generation,” said Matt Nicholls, housing spokesman for the Local Government Association, which represents English local authorities. “Councils haven’t had the financial freedom to build new homes. They have not been able to keep the rent or money from the sale of homes and have not been able to borrow against their assets to build houses in the same way housing associations have.”
Councils across England of all political colours are filing applications for £350m in direct funding that is being provided by Whitehall.
“There is demand everywhere, rural and urban,” said Sir Bob Kerslake, chief executive of the government’s Homes and Communities Agency, which will distribute the funds. “Before this extra money came through, Birmingham city council, which is Conservative-controlled, said they could spend all of the £100m we had for the whole country.”
Birmingham is planning to build 500 council houses a year within three years and become the biggest council housebuilder in England.
The new houses are much needed. Five million people will be on the waiting list for social housing by 2012 and the credit crunch has dramatically reduced housebuilding. But they will not be enough to fully meet demand and government officials conceded that the policy, which includes spending £350m directly on new homes, is partly political.
“Some of this is about Gordon Brown keeping the parliamentary Labour party happy,” said a senior government housing official. “Some is about trying to do something quickly at a time when the market is struggling to deliver as a result of the problems with development finance. There is also a feeling that they might as well spend, spend, spend because they will probably be out of office soon.”
The HCA estimates that just 90,000 homes of all types will be built this financial year, less than half the government’s target of 240,000 completions a year. The scale of the problem is illustrated in the north London borough of Islington where the council will complete 10 new council houses this summer, but has a waiting list of 15,000 for social housing.
“Housebuilding is unprecedentedly low,” said Kerslake. “Over the last 20 years completions fluctuated, averaging around 120,000. But even at the peak of the buoyant market we didn’t hit the target.”
This time, instead of building large estates the government wants small clusters of 30 to 40 homes built on infill sites and will insist that they are indistinguishable from private housing.
“Nobody wants to go back to big, sprawling estates occupied only by council tenants,” said Kerslake. “Instead, you won’t be able to see the difference between council housing and private housing.”
Family houses rather than two-bedroom flats will be prioritised and councils will be encouraged to use redundant land, such as sites of disused garages, instead of building on green belt.
But with so few councils building homes in the last 20 years, there are doubts over the quality of the design they will produce. A survey published in April by the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment revealed that 83% of affordable housing schemes were judged of average or poor design quality, worse than market housing.




Why Tories are winning the pink vote
Labour can’t bear the idea that gay people, too, are repelled by them, and are turning to a changed Tory party
The culture secretary, Ben Bradshaw, asserts that “a deep strain of homophobia still exists on the Conservative benches”. The Foreign Office minister Chris Bryant goes further and warns that “if gays vote Tory they will rue the day very soon”. It’s not hard to detect the desperation in these shrill outbursts – and with good reason. A reputable new poll has found that 38% of gay men intend to vote Conservative at the next election – more than any other party, and a swing away from Labour of 14.2%.
It is this seeming ingratitude that Labour is unable to bear. It cannot comprehend that gay people might be as repelled by the government as everyone else. So now it resorts to pitiful efforts to scare them. “Don’t trust the Tories,” it says, while preposterously claiming that we’ll reverse all the progress towards gay equality that’s been made.
It’s quite hard to make the argument of homophobia stack up when the visible evidence is that the Conservatives have changed. Two shadow cabinet ministers (I’m one of them) are openly gay. As Alan Duncan (the other one) pointed out, more of Michael Howard’s shadow cabinet voted for civil partnerships than the cabinet. We have a number of talented openly gay candidates in winnable seats across the country – selected by the grassroots, not imposed by the party’s high command.
When David Cameron used his first conference speech as party leader to talk about the importance of marriage, he added that the commitment was as important for gay couples as for those who are straight. The conference audience applauded. From that moment, any doubt that the Conservative party was changing its attitude towards gay people should have been dispelled.
This is all immensely inconvenient for Labour politicians, who are determined to maintain clear pink water between the parties because they believe it’s in their electoral interest. Both Bryant and junior Labour minister Angela Eagle have claimed that the Conservatives opposed the new offence of inciting gay hatred. But this is simply not true. We supported the measure – I know, because I led for the opposition and I said so in the Commons. So did David Cameron. We also said that temperate comment had to be protected – a view widely shared in the media, including by leading gay commentators such as Peter Tatchell, who actually opposed the new offence.
That Labour should fall back on an outright lie to justify their charge against the Conservatives says more about them than it does us. Last week, at a Conservative event in support of Gay Pride (a gathering that would have been unthinkable in the old Conservative party), David Cameron apologised for the party’s introduction two decades ago of the infamous section 28, which banned local authorities from portraying homosexuality in a positive light. “I’m sorry,” he said. “We got it wrong … I hope you can forgive us.” Ben Summerskill, chief executive of the gay rights group Stonewall, described the apology as “a remarkably positive step forward”. In telling contrast, Harriet Harman could not bring herself to welcome it. Don’t be fooled, she said, and anyway it’s all too late.
But it’s never too late to say sorry. Just as Gordon Brown has not understood that voters are rejecting his false dividing line between “investment” and “cuts”, Harman, Bradshaw and Bryant have not understood the lessons of Damian McBride and “smeargate”. When Cameron says he made judgments on gay issues he now believes to be wrong, people respond to his candour as surely as they reject Brown’s dissembling.
There is more for us all to do. We still need to tackle gay bullying in schools and homophobia in sport. We still have bishops telling gays to “change and repent”. Intolerance and persecution of gays in other countries is a real cause of concern. But there is no need for a party divide on such issues. To believe gay people vote only on issues related to their sexuality is patronising and wrong. They care about the same things as anybody else. They want a better future for their country, and a better politics, too.
The truth is the major parties are reaching a consensus on gay equality. So the real dividing line will be between the parties that are honest with the public and those that are not; between those who can mount a broad appeal and those who fall back on a narrow tribal base. Even as their once natural supporters abandon them, New Labour still has not learned that the public is rejecting old politics, and that people – gays included – are crying out for change.