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‘Are we here for your amusement?’

Our increasing demand for adventure is pushing back the frontiers of tourism, but is it also posing a threat to tribal people? John Vidal investigates

When the Jarawa tribe of hunter-gatherers began to emerge in ones and twos from the dense rainforests of the Andaman islands in 1997, it seemed that these mysterious, handsome people only wanted to take a brief look at the modern world and would soon return to the trees.

But in the months that followed, shy Jarawa youths slowly gained in confidence and could be found hanging out on the side of a road recently built through their land. Then they started to stop cars and buses going by, and to beg for food. They even began to board ferries to travel between the islands.

No one knows why these people – one of the original tribes of the Andaman and Nicobar islands, a remote archipelago in the Indian Ocean – decided to leave the forest at that time. Twelve years on they have become a tourist attraction. Local companies take people to gawp at and photograph them as if they are animals in a zoo. Some throw sweets and biscuits to them, or offer them lifts and money.

The majority of the Jarawa, thought to number about 250 people, remain deep in the forests, but some have learned bits of Hindi and regularly visit the port, the hospital or market place, says Sophie Grig, a researcher at human rights organisation Survival International who has visited the Andamans several times. One or two Jarawa children have reportedly gone to a school and asked for education.

Integration has been partial and more or less at the Jarawa’s own pace and volition. But now comes a threat that some anthropologists say could lead to the extinction of a tribe that has lived in isolation for millennia.

Barefoot India, a major Indian travel company, has just won a high court case that will allow it to build an eco-resort at Collipur, close to the designated Jarawa reserve. Other hotels are expected to follow.

Barefoot, which already has an Andamans resort on Havelock Island, plans to bring in thousands of tourists a year from Europe to scuba dive and to explore the remote islands now becoming popular as one of Asia’s least visited beach destinations.

But Survival fears that the increased contact with tourists will inevitably expose the tribe fully to diseases and cultures that they will never be able to cope with. “Evidence from around the world is that isolated tribal peoples have little or no immunity against diseases like flu and measles, and it is certain that the more contact there is between the tribe and tourists that diseases will devastate them,” says Grig. “It’s not unusual for 50% or more of a population to die soon after contact. One epidemic can lead to severe depression, alcohol abuse, dependency and even suicide.

“It’s incredibly dangerous. Why does Barefoot have to go there? There are plenty of other places.”

Grig continues: “The biggest concern is disease. The Jarawa are incredibly vulnerable. Then there’s alcohol. People in this situation are vulnerable to addiction and dependency.”

A spokesman for Barefoot says: “Barefoot would not countenance any exploitation of Jarawa for tourism purposes from any of its guests, and most certainly will not attempt to do so itself. The Jarawa have no access to the resort’s land, which is more than three kilometres away. [Far from threatening the tribe] Barefoot has had an extremely positive impact on the tribal interplay with the villagers in this area.”

There are perhaps 100 indigenous communities around the world that have chosen to live in complete isolation, but the frontiers of tourism are being pushed ever forward by cheap flights and an appetite for extreme ethno-tourism fuelled by the natural instinct of man to be curious about other people – and by shows such as Bruce Parry’s documentary series Tribe.

The Jarawa are peculiarly at risk because they live so close to a holiday resort, but dozens of other extremely remote groups are also in danger. In the West Papua province of Indonesia, US expatriate Kelly Woolford of Papua Adventures offers – for $7,000-$10,000 – to take tourists and camera crews deep into the forests of the Mamberamo and Baliem valleys, where he says they are quite likely to meet “stone age” tribes.

Papua Adventures does not guarantee “encounters”, but its “first contact” trek is advertised as a “full-on exploration” in areas where previously contact-free tribes are known to live.

Groups regularly stumble across tribespeople who appear to threaten them with bows and arrows, but who then disappear. Anthropologists and others who have seen photographs have accused Woolford of setting up these encounters, but he insists that the meetings are all by chance.

“Tourism can be a useful source of income, but most people would say it’s pretty bad news for the local people,” says anthropologist David Turton.

Turton has spent 40 years among the semi-nomadic Mursi in the Omo valley in southern Ethiopia, where some women have had their lower lip pierced and stretched so that a clay plate can be inserted. With the prospect of a giant dam flooding much of their lands, the tribe has enough problems, but it has been exploited by tourism now for 20 years.

Tour companies have presented the Mursi as the most primitive and wild people and the Mursi are fully aware they are being singled out as savages. The tourists arrive in four-wheel drive vehicles and the Mursi gather around them, asking for money in return for being photographed.

Turton has asked the Mursi what they think of these people, who only seem to want their photographs. He recorded this conversation in 1991:

Bio-iton-giga: “Why do they do it? Do they want us to become their children, or what? What do they want the photographs for?”

Turton: “They come because they see you as different and strange people. They go back home and tell their friends that they’ve been on a long trip, to Mursiland. They say, ‘Look, here are the people we saw.’ They do it for entertainment.”

Komor-a-kora: “We said to each other, ‘Are we here just for their amusement?’ ”

“They conclude that white people are thieves. The relationship is similar to prostitution,” says Turton. “The Mursi know they are looked down on. But to them the encounter is a commercial transaction. They are short of everything and cash is important.”

Tourism has always been culturally destructive and exploitative. Hundreds of people once lived in hardship but security on St Kilda, 60 miles off the west coast of mainland Scotland, but the community collapsed after first missionaries and then tourist boats arrived in the 1920s. Within a few years of the first tourists, the community had disintegrated and those remaining on the island had to be evacuated.

Equally, the Himba in Namibia survived everything that a hostile arid environment could throw at them for centuries until they became a tourist attraction in the 1970s. Their communities were overrun and many Himba are now beggars and alcoholics.

These days, tribes are regularly diminished in the name of economic advancement. The refugee Burmese Kayan women in Thailand, who wear brass coils round their necks, each year attract thousands of tourists, who pay to visit them in their camps. Their communities are disintegrating as alcoholic dependency grows.

Governments also act inhumanely to encourage tourism. The Botswana government is putting out to tender for safari companies to build lodges with bore holes in the central Kalahari game reserve at the same time that the Bushmen – who have lived there for millennia – are forbidden to even use the existing ones. One safari lodge will have a water hole less than a mile from the Bushmen, who will be made to walk hundreds of miles to collect water.

The worst destruction of indigenous groups is often invisible, done by governments and the tourism industry exploiting tribal groups for their land. “Indigenous peoples are often removed from their ancestral lands to make way for tourist developments or to create national parks where animals take precedence over people,” says Tricia Barnett, director of Tourism Concern.

The watchdog group is to publish a major report on the human rights abuses of tourism in September. “Tourism is violating left, right and centre all manner of the articles contained in the UN human rights declaration – land rights, dignity, respect, the right to privacy, cultural exploitation,” says Barnett.

But above all, land everywhere is being claimed at the expense of indigenous people for the construction of hotels and golf courses, and for the creation of national parks and reserves.

“The onward march of tourism involves the arbitrary removal of people from their lands,” says Barnett. “Tourists are becoming often unwitting collaborators in the exploitation of others. It is a competitive, resource-hungry industry, by its nature exploitative. International hotel chains and operators jostle to expand and out-price each other, and impoverished governments compete to attract business by offering cheap land and tax free investment. Indigenous groups are often the most vulnerable.”

“Tourism is land hungry. It depends on unspoilt landscapes. Time and again the indigenous peoples have their land grabbed. They just don’t come into the equation,” says Rachel Noble of Tourism Concern.

But it is possible to get ethno-tourism right in an ethically sensitive way. Jonny Bealby, who runs Wild Frontiers, which has been taking small groups of people to stay days at a time in remote places such as the Hindu Kush in Pakistan, says many eco-tourism businesses are starting up.

“These are joint ventures with indigenous communities, like the Achuar [on the Peru/Ecuador border]. In the western Amazon, there are several eco-lodges where usually an agency sets up a partnership with a tribe. The company and the tribe each have a 50% stake. On the whole, they seem to be perfectly respectful of each other. The communities do it on their own terms. The ventures are on a manageable scale. It’s fundamentally a meeting of equals. It comes down to scale and who is in control,” says Bealby. “If [ethno-tourism] is done right it can benefit everyone.”

Successful ventures, such as with the Akha hill tribe in Thailand, Aboriginal cultural tours in Australia, the Garifuna tourism group in Honduras and the Il Ngwesi Lodge in Kenya, which is 100% owned by local Maasai, are invariably grassroots-led and community-based.

“Tribal groups often feel that some tourists exploit them. It happens when they are being observed as if in a goldfish bowl. They do not like it when tourists stay in a swanky hotel and drive in and do not talk to them, then get in their Jeeps and go back,” says Bealby

“That kind of thing happens a lot. But when it’s small groups and the money goes direct to local people, then the benefits flow both ways.”

• For more information on the Jarawa go to survival-international.org/jarawa.

In it together
Leading lights of ethno-tourism

Il Ngwesi Lodge Kenya
Perched on the edge of the Mukogodo escarpment, this is an award-winning, upmarket eco-ranch with timber floors flowing around tree trunks and an infinity pool. Guests can shower outside overlooking a waterhole, go on game drives, camel safaris and guided bush walks. The lodge is owned and run by the Il Ngwesi (which means “people of the wildlife”) Maasai tribe of Laikipiak, who have lived on this land for centuries.

• ilngwesi.com.

El Descanso Costa Rica
El Descanso, in the Río Grande de Térraba river basin, is run by the Asodint indigenous organisation. Traditionally-designed cabins are set in tranquil surroundings and traditional food is on offer. Guests can visit ancient petroglyphs, the Catarata and Térraba rivers and other indigenous communities, learn about medicinal plants, play traditional games and buy local handicrafts. Profits are reinvested into the community.

• nacientespalmichal.com and actuarcostarica.com.

Garifuna Tourism Group Honduras
Located along the peaceful, undeveloped white sandy beaches on the north coast of Honduras on the Caribbean, the Garifuna communities offer grass roots tourism based on cultural exchange and interaction. Guests share in the vibrant local dance, food and music cultures, and learn about Garifuna’s traditional fishing culture. The central tourism group ensures that communities are never over-saturated with tourists, so visitors feel like invited guests. The enterprise is owned by the Garifuna people.

• 00504 9277513 and +4480121, geo.ya.com/ENKEL.

Akha Hill Tribe, Chiang Rai Thailand
In mountainous northern Thailand, visitors stay in bamboo or mud bungalows overlooking a valley surrounded by tea plantations, rice fields, waterfalls and jungle. There is an open-air restaurant, a herbal sauna, and jungle treks with expert guides, including fishing, elephant rides, an overnight stay in a banana leaf house, and visits to other hill tribes. All profits go to the Akha Hill Tribe community and its education system.

• 0066 0899975505, akhahill.com.

Aboriginal Cultural Tours Australia
Aboriginal Cultural Tours take you to rarely seen areas of Adjahdura Land on the Yorke Peninsula of South Australia, walking with descendants of the original owners of the land, living with, talking with, and experiencing first-hand their rich culture. Guests visit Aboriginal communities, explore ancient cultural landscapes and mythological land formations and experience cultural ceremonies. Aboriginal Cultural Tours is owned and operated by indigenous people.

• diversetravel.com.au and aboriginalaustraliatravel.com.

These projects are all listed in Tourism Concern’s Ethical Travel Guide, available to buy at tourismconcern.org.uk, 020-7133 3800.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Frank Naif: Congressional investigations of CIA move ahead, Republicans flipflop to score political points

In the wake of revelations that CIA had failed to disclose to Congress a planned terrorist assassination program for seven years, House Intelligence Committee Chairman…

Israel sees Brazil help with Iran

By Gary Duffy
BBC News, Sao Paulo

Avigdor Lieberman (left), Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (centre), Celso Amorim (right)

Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman says Brazil perhaps "more than other countries" can help convince Iran to suspend its nuclear programme.

Mr Lieberman is on a 10-day visit to Latin American partly to promote trade but also to try to counter the influence of Iran in the region.

He said Brazil traditionally had strong ties with Arab countries and Israel and could be a "good negotiator".

Mr Lieberman is also due to visit Colombia, Peru and Argentina.

Mr Lieberman is in Brazil, where he held what were described as "constructive talks" with President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in the capital, Brasilia.

Israeli diplomats had acknowledged that unease about Iranian influence in Latin America would be a major issue on this trip, and that Mr Lieberman would be keen to raise those concerns.

However while Israel appears uncomfortable with Brazil’s cordial relations with Iran, its foreign minister suggested this might also offer an opportunity.

"I think that Brazil more than other countries can try to convince Iranians to sop their nuclear programme and, of course, to convince the Palestinians to start direct talks," Mr Lieberman said.

However Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim indicated support for Iran’s goal of nuclear development for "exclusively non-military purposes" and within a "verifiable framework".

In what could be seen as a message for Israel he also spoke of the desire to see a Middle East free of nuclear weapons.

No detail was given about any potential role Brazil might play but there could soon be a chance to test the idea.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad unexpectedly cancelled a visit to Brazil earlier this year, but is said to have promised it will be his first overseas trip after he is sworn in for a second term of office. </p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Coulson faces phone-hack questions

Minute-by-minute coverage as David Cameron’s spin doctor, former News of the World editor Andy Coulson, is grilled by MPs

12.29pm: Kuttner says that where you have “long-serving, experienced, trusted” journalists coming forward with stories that required cash payments, the paper accepted this, unless there was “some reason to be suspicious”. In this case there was no reason to be suspicious.

Alan Keen asks if Coulson reported to Kuttner. “On the contrary,” says Kuttner. Coulson was the boss. And Coulson reported to Hinton.

12.27pm: It was “one of the most unhappy and traumatic events” he had known in newspapers.

The BBC has got a story about the hearing with a live link to the committee session if you want to watch it.

Alan Keen is asking questions now. He wants to know about financial audit.

Kuttner says the improper payments were “a tiny proportion” of the overall number of payments being made.

12.25pm: David Leigh texts to say Coulson is in “humble mode”.

Kuttner is talking now. He says he “deeply regrets” the fact that Coulson resigned. He was a very fine editor.

He accepts that a small number of cash payments were approved “generally by me” that should not have been approved.

12.23pm: Coulson says that he had a lot more money to spend than the Guardian.

12.21pm: As editor he never met or spoke to Mulcaire. The NoW had a contract with Mulcaire, but it was not exceptional. He routinely spent five-figure sums on stories. The Mulcaire payment did not stand out.

Things went wrong when he was editor. He took responsibility, ending a 20-year career as a journalist. He is not asking for sympathy, he says.

Peter Ainsworth, a Tory committee member, asks if the Goodman case could have happened under the new rules brought in after Coulson left.

Coulson says he can’t say that. Goodman was a “rogue reporter” who deceived the managing editor.

Ainsworth says that Alan Rusbridger, the Guardian editor, told the committee last week that he would have known about payments of the kind being made to Mulcaire.

12.14pm: Farrelly asks if Crone ever felt tempted to go back to the culture committee and “correct the record” in relation to what Les Hinton, the then-News International executive, told it in 2007 about the Goodman case. Hinton said that Goodman was the only journalist involved in phone-hacking. Crone says that he could not have corrected it without breaking the confidentiality agreement.

That session is over. We’re now onto the next one. Andy Coulson is here with Stuart Kuttner. Coulson wants to make an introductory statement.

While he was editor he did not condone phone hacking and he has “no recollection” of it taking place.

He made it clear to journalists that he did not approve of this. But he gave his journalists freedom. And his paper spend money on stories, more money than most papers, “and I make no apology for that”.

The NoW published about 100 stories a week. As editor, he only concentrated on the main ones.

12.10pm: Crone says that the paper was bound by a confidentiality agreement. It was “between a rock and a hard place”.

12.09pm: Crone says Farrelly thinks that at the end of Goodman’s employment appeal there may have been a payment. “I’m not absolutely certain, but I think there may have been a payment.”

This is new: the NoW paying Goodman after his conviction. Myler and Crone must have known this question would come up, and it’s surprising they don’t have a precise answer (or perhaps it’s not that surprising). Farrelly is asking them to clarify this. They agree.

Myler says that employment legislation is now “incredibly complicated”. Sometimes firms have to pay out money in extraordinary circumstances.

Farrelly asks if the NoW has taken any steps to correct what it told to the PCC about no other individuals being involved in phone hacking.

12.06pm: Crone says there were only four or five secretaries on the NoW floor and that they were all very busy. Junior reporters might have nothing to do.

Myler says reporters are in the office taking a note of this meeting. (They should be reading this blog … )

We’ve overrun by 30 minutes, but Whittingdale is allowing more questions.

Farrelly asks about further payments to Goodman after his conviction. Have any payments been made by News International, or any companies associated with it?1

Myler and Crone both said there weren’t, as far as they were aware. (Again, they are using a get-out.)

Farrelly says Mulcaire was a convicted criminal. But the company agreed to pay money to him. Why?

12.03pm: Crone says he doesn’t know. Watson asks him to clarify that, and the amount paid, and to report back to the committee, and he agrees.

Watson says that “people whose judgment I trust” tell him that Myler is a “decent man”.

Adrian Sanders, a Lib Dem committee member, asks if it was common for junior journalists, not secretaries, to transcribe tapes.

Myler says he transcribed tapes when he was junior.

12.01pm: Was he paid as soon as he came out of jail, Watson asks.

12.00pm: Myler says that it was not as much as Taylor originally wanted.

Watson asks if NoW will provide the minutes showing when this was discussed. Crone says he will pass the request on.

Did Rupert Murdoch know, Watson asks.

Myler says he discussed it with James Murdoch – Rupert’s son, and head of News International – after the legal advice said it was sensible to settle.

Watson says he wants to know who took the decision. It was an “agreed decision”, Myler says.

Watson now asks about Mulcaire and his contract. Did it go back to the late 1990s?

Crone says he is first aware of payments from 2001. It was an annual contract.

Watson asks about the “employment disagreement” that led to the Mulcaire pay-off Crone mentioned earlier.

Crone says contractors have rights.

11.57am: But it was a big sum of money, Watson says.

11.56am: My colleague David Leigh has texted me. “NoW so far defensive throughout – no aggression yet.” (Apart from Myler’s rant about MPs and their expenses … )

Keen wants to know what journalists ask if they are asked to do something wrong. Myler says the culture has changed, and that the PCC code of conduct was strengthened to make it clear that journalists should not be put under pressure to doing something wrong.

Tom Watson asks about the Gordon Taylor payment. Did the News International board need to agree?

No, Crone says.

11.53am: Alan Keen, a Labour member of the committee, is asking about Crone’s role. Who would he tell if he had concerns?

Crone says he would tell the editor.

11.51am: Hall wants an assurance that there were no payments that funded things like illegal phone-tapping.

Myler says he has come across no evidence of this kind.

But has he looked for it, Hall asks.

How far back do you want to go, Myler says. He has never worked for any paper that has been so “forensically examined” by outsiders like the police. (He told us earlier this is the fourth paper he’s edited.)

Was Mulcaire the first point of contact for journalists who wanted to “fact-check” a story, Hall asks. Did journalists need the editor’s permission to access Mulcaire? Myler says he doesn’t think they did.

11.46am: Hall asks about Myler’s claim earlier to have reduced cash payments. Myler says they have been cut by between 82% and 89%. He does not know how much money that has saved.

Hall asks about the 2,500 emails being searched. It was carried out by internal lawyers, and overseen by the HR department.

Hall wants to know if cash payments were investigated.

Before the Goodman case, there were checks as to where cash payments were going.

Myler says there was nothing wrong with the Mulcaire contract. Lawyers and banks use people like Mulcaire to obtain information, he says.

11.42am: Myler tells Price that, if he shares an office with an MP who’s a crook, does that make him a crook? (This could be a tactical mistake. The MPs probably won’t like this.)

The NoW email wasn’t redacted, Myler goes on. But it was, the committee members tell him. (You can find it on the Guardian’s website (pdf). MPs laugh at this point, because, as you can see for yourself, it was very heavily redacted when Nick Davies handed it over last week.)

Janet Anderson, the Labour former minister, asks Crone if he was “shocked” when he found out Mulcaire had been engaged in illegal activities.

Crone says that when Goodman was arrested, he had never heard of Glenn Mulcaire. He had never heard of voice mails being accessed. And he had never heard of payments for illegal activity.

Anderson asks if he Crone has ever listened to conversations obtained as a result of phone-hacking. Never, says Crone.

Mike Hall, another Labour MP, takes the witnesses back to the NoW inquiry into the Goodman case.

11.38am: Price asks if anyone else has been reprimanded at the NoW over phone hacking, apart from Goodman.

No, says Myler.

Paul Farrelly asks why not, given the paper paid money to Gordon Taylor.

That was settled on legal advice, Myler says. Thurlbeck says he did not remember seeing the email.

Price says the NoW story is “quite frankly, simply implausible”. The sender does not remember sending it, and the recipient does not remember receiving it. Are they suggesting it’s a forgery?

Myler says he wishes it was.

11.35am: Price quotes from a story about message Prince Harry left on Prince William’s phone (or vice versa). It contained a direct quote. It could only have been obtained by hacking. It had Goodman and Thurlbeck’s bylines on it.

Crone says he does not remember this story. “I don’t remember page 7 stories,” he says.

Crone says that in court Goodman’s lawyer said nothing obtained by hacking was ever published.

It sounds as if Price has done better research than Goodman’s barrister.

Price wants to know if the paper hacked into the princes’ phones.

There’s no evidence of that, says Crone. He says the court case just related to royal staff having their phones hacked, not the royals themselves.

11.33am: Price goes back to the Taylor case. The fact that the NoW agreed to such a large sum suggests the paper was concerned about the story becoming public.

Myler does not address this directly. He says the advice from the lawyers was “straightforward”; the paper should settle.

Price asks if Thurlbeck was questioned by the solicitors hired by the NoW after Goodman was arrested.

Crone says he doen’t think so.

But Thurlbeck had his name on a story obtained by hacking, Price said.

Crone says none of the Goodman stories ever got published.

11.30am: Davies has a final question for Crone. Was he ever suspicious that any story put in front of him had been obtained through illegal activity.

“Er, no,” says Crone. “If you are talking about phone hacking, absolutely not.” As for other activity, not really. But “journalists trespass”.

Adam Price, the Plaid Cymru MP, asks if Myler has met Goodman since his conviction.

Only when he conducted the appeal with the HR department (into Goodman’s dismissal), Myler says.

11.27am: Davies is now talking about employment issues. Crone says that Mulcaire had employment rights with the paper. As a result of “failures in the process” a sum of money was paid to Mulcaire.

But Davies wants to know if he was paid to “keep quiet”. This is an allegation that has been in Private Eye.

No, says Crone.

And has any payment been made to Clive Goodman?

I’m not aware of it, says Crone. Myler says the same. (That sounds like a bit of a non-denial denial to me.)

Who would know about a payment of this kind, asks Davies. They both say that Stuart Kuttner (who’s giving evidence at 11.30) would know.

Myler says he wants to say a bit more about what Mulcaire did. He traced individuals, followed individuals sometimes, went through records, like court records, knew a lot about football (he was a former professional footballer), and he suggested ideas for stories. His rate per hour was about £50. That’s a good rate.

Davies says he doesn’t know if that is a good rate or not.

11.19am: Farrelly asks when Goodman was dismissed. Why was he not dismissed when he was convicted?

Myler says he wasn’t there; it was an HR issue.

Farrelly says this raises the question as to what gross misconduct is.

Crone says Goodman was dismissed. (But he was dismissed after an appeal).

Philip Davies, a Tory member of the committee, says that the other celebrities whose names cropped up in the Taylor case, such as Elle McPherson, and who seemed to have had their phones hacked were not royals. Therefore Goodman would not have been interested. Other reporters must have been involved.

Myler says there was no evidence that people like McPherson did have their phones hacked.

Around 2,500 internal emails were looked at at the time.

Myler says the NoW staff have been accused of “systematic illegality”. But where is the evidence?

11.15am: Farrelly takes over again. He comes back to the NoW internal investigation.

It was a “very thorough investigation”, Myler says.

Myler said NoW journalists had access to Mulcaire “24/7″ because he had a contract with the paper to supply investigation based on work such as electoral records checks (which are legal).

Crone says the NoW did not find out about the “other names” in the Goodman case – ie, the other celebrities whose phones were hacked by Mulcaire – until November. I think he’s talking about November 2006, shortly before the Goodman case went to court, but it’s not clear.

Farrelly says that in the court case the judge said that Muclaire had dealt with “others at News International”. Given that that’s what the judge said, how can News International claim that Goodman was a one-off?

Crone says he was in court when the judge said that. He did not know why the judge said that, because evidence to that effect was not heard in court.

11.09am: Whittingdale says the police had the email saying: “this is for Neville”. That was the email containing the transcript of Taylor’s phone-hacked conversation. But the police did not question Thurlbeck.

Crone confirms that.

11.08am: Farrelly asks about the decison to use a false name in the contract for Mulcaire produced by Nick Davies last week.

That’s “not usual”, Crone says.

Farrelly turns to Myler. He wants to ask about the evidence he gave to the PCC in February 2007 about the NoW’s internal inquiry into the Goodman affair.

Myler says the NoW got an outside firm of solicitors involved to help, and to provide the police with the material they needed.

Apart from Goodman, no other member of the NoW staff was questioned.

Myler quotes from what John Yates, the Met assistant commissioner, said about the police investigation. Yates said the case was thoroughly investigated.

11.05am: Crone asks why he should look at other emails not related to the Gordon Taylor case. He can’t go on a general fishing expedition, he says.

Farrelly says that if Crone wants to be thorough, he should have examined what other transcripts from Mulcaire were transcribed by the junior reporter.

Crone confirms he did not do this.

“That’s not a very thorough investigation, is it?” Farrelly says.

11.03am: Farrelly asks about the junior reporter. Crone says the reporter is in Peru at the moment. But Crone has spoken to him. He told Crone he thought he had handed it to Thurlbeck, but he wasn’t sure.

The reporter is on holiday. He’s only 20, Crone says.

Myler says there’s no evidence to suggest that this journalist was involved in other underhand activity.

11.01am: Whittingdale asks if Crone accepts that further celebrities had their phones hacked by Mulcaire.

Crone says he has no information that any of that information reached the News of the World. He says he thinks Mulcaire was working for other papers at the time.

But Mulcaire was getting £100,000 a year from the NoW, Whittingdale says. That sounds like a full-time job.

Crone, again, says he thinks Mulcaire was working for other papers.

Paul Farrelly, the ex-Observer journalist and Labour MP, has the floor. He asks about emails. How long are they kept?

Crone says they are kept on the system for 30 days after being deleted by a journalists. If a journalist does not delete them, they stay on the computer for three years.

10.58am: Whittingdale asks if Crone thinks that the fact that Mulcaire had a contract (from February 2005) and that Mulcaire subsequently hacked Taylor’s phone were unrelated.

Crone says that he spoke to Thurlbeck at the time about a Gordon Taylor story that the paper was pursuing. He also spoke to Andy Coulson about that story. But Coulson told him to forget it, because the story was not being run in the paper. He’s talking about the enquiries he made at the time.

10.55am: Crone says he has spoken to Thurlbeck about the story. Thurlbeck said he did not remember seeing the email. He was not really involved in the project. He was just being asked to be ready to go and “doorstep” (news-speak for confront) someone named in the story.

Thurlbeck thought the executive in charge was Greg Miskiw, the assistant editor. Thurlbeck later told him that his memory was wrong, and that the news desk had put him onto the story. Thurlbeck realised that at the time Miskiw had left the paper.

Whittingdale asks about the second document – the contract promising money to Mulcaire in return for a Gordon Taylor story.

Crone says that he was not aware that the story would require information obtained illegally.

10.52am: Crone goes back to the police investigation. At no stage during that did any evidence emerge that phone-hacking went beyond Goodman and Mulcaire.

He says that the paper was first approached by Gordon Taylor in 2008, in April, I think. That was when the paper became aware of the documents produced by Nick Davies at last week’s hearing (an email apparently showing that the chief reporter, Neville Thurlbeck, knew Taylor’s phone was being hacked and an invoice promising Mulcaire money for a Gordon Taylor story).

Crone says when he found out about the documents he got his IT people to check the computer records of the junior reporter who transcribed the Taylor transcript for Thurlbeck.

He says the junior reporter, who has not been named, started as a messenger boy. At that time he was being trained up as a reporter. He spent a lot of time transcribing tapes. He does not remember the case very well.

10.46am: Whittingdale starts. Has the NoW confirmed that it paid Gordon Taylor in relation to phone-hacking?

Yes, says Myler.

And did the size of the payment reflect the confidentiality aspect?

No, says Myler.

Tom Crone says that Taylor himself first asked for a confidentiality clause in the agreement. He says they are routine in breach-of-privacy cases.

Crone says the paper has received two more legal enquiries since the Guardian revelations were published (presumably from other celebrities who are considering suing, but he doesn’t elaborate).

10.45am: He says he has introduced other procedures to avoid a repeat of the Goodman case, including strict controls on cash payments to sources.

All staff have had to attend workshops on the rules.

The NoW works with its journalists and the industry to ensure everyone complies with the PCC code.

10.43am: Colin Myler starts with an opening statement.

He says the PCC investigated the allegations covered in the Guardian stories.

The police investigated the Goodman case. The judge in the Goodman trial accepted that the arrangement that Glenn Mulcaire, the private investigator who phone-hacked for Goodman, had with the News of the World did not involve criminality.

Myler says that when he became editor of the paper he told all staff to abide by the PCC code of conduct. Staff were told that failing to comply with the code could result in disciplinary proceedings.

10.41am: Tom Crone, the News Group lawyer, said he sent a letter to the committee last night complaining about Watson’s presence on the committee.

Whittingdale says he has taken advice from the parliamentary clerks and that they advice that Watson should be allowed to stay.

Watson accuses News Group of trying to interfere with the work of the committee. He says that’s “improper”.

10.39am: We’re about to start.

Whittingdale opens the session. I’m in the committee room, on the front row of the seats behind the witnesses.

Whittingdale make a declaration. He says he’s on the board of the Conservative party, and that the board is Andy Coulson’s employer.

Tom Watson, a committee member, also makes a declaration. He says he’s in a dispute with the Sun and that’s he’s represented by Carter Ruck, the libel lawyers.

10.23am: Today Andy Coulson breaks his silence. Coulson, David Cameron’s communications chief, is one of four News of the World and ex-News of the World executives giving evidence to the Commons culture committee about phone-hacking. They are there to answer the Guardian allegations – first raised in Nick Davies’s story about the secret phone-hacking pay-out and then amplified by the dramatic evidence Davies gave to the culture committee last week – that the the use of illegal surveillance methods by the News of the World has been far more widespread than the paper has ever admitted.

The hearing is important for four groups or individuals.

1. The News of the World. What will they say?

After the first Davies story was published, News of the World eventually issued a statement strongly contesting many of his allegations. Two days later the News of the World adopted much the same stance in an editorial accusing the Guardian of “hysterical” journalism. But since Davies produced his new allegations a week ago today, the paper has – as far as I’m aware – not responded to them. Today its executives will have to.

2. Andy Coulson. Will he adopt the News International line, or the David Cameron line?

Until now, the News International line on phone-hacking has been that Clive Goodman, the NoW royal reporter jailed for phone-hacking in 2007, was a one-off acting alone and that no-one else at the paper knew anything about it, or did anything wrong. When Coulson resigned as NoW editor after Goodman went to prison, News International said that he was taking responsibility for what happened while he was in charge, even though he did not know about it.

David Cameron’s line has been subtly different. He has not contradicted anything said by News International. But, defending his decision to hire Coulson, he said that he believed in giving people a second chance – implying that Coulson was somehow at fault for allowing a culture to develop at the NoW where phone-hacking was condoned.

In April this year Francis Elliott and James Hanning, Cameron’s biographers, said there was still no on-the-record denial from Coulson himself saying that he did not know what Goodman was doing.Coulson did issue a four-sentence statement about the affair after Nick Davies published his story two weeks ago, saying he resigned because he took responsibility for what happened “without my knowledge”, but it is not clear whether he was just denying knowledge of specific actions taken by Goodman, or whether he was denying any knowledge of any culture of phone-tapping.

Today he’ll have to elaborate.

3. The culture committee. Is it carrying out a thorough investigation?

Commons select committee are not always very good at carrying out investigations that require witnesses to be cross-examined forensically. And the NoW witnesses are smart and media-savvy. This will be a good test of whether the committee is up to the job.

4. John Whittingdale. How will he handle the job from hell?

Whittingdale, the committee chairman, is a Tory MP who could plausibly expect a job in a Cameron govenment. Now he’s running an inquiry that could potentially damage his boss (Cameron) and one of the most powerful figures in the Conservative party. So far he seems to be running the investigation very properly, although at some level he must wish this job had never landed on his plate.

The hearing starts at 10.30am. The first witnesses will be Colin Myler, the NoW editor, and Tom Crone, the legal manager for News Group newspapers. They will be questioned for about an hour. Then, at 11.30am, Coulson will give evidence alongside Stuart Kuttner, the outgoing NoW managing editor.

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Fujimori convicted of corruption

Alberto Fujimori in a file photo from 2008

The former President of Peru, Alberto Fujimori, has been given a seven-and-a-half-year jail term for corruption.

The 70-year-old was convicted by Peru’s Supreme Court of giving $15m (£9.3m) in state funds to his spy chief Vladimiro Montesinos.

Fujimori admitted making the payment, but said he later repaid the money.

The sentence is the third handed down against Fujimori, who ruled Peru from 1990 to 2000, since he returned from exile in late 2007 to face charges.

Last April, he was sentenced to 25 years in jail for ordering killings and kidnappings by the security forces.

Fujimori was already serving a six-year term after being found guilty in 2007 on separate charges of abuse of power.

The prosecution claimed that Fujimori illegally channelled huge sums to Vladimiro Montesinos.

The multi-million dollar payment was allegedly made just two months before corruption accusations in late 2000 abruptly ended Fujimori’s 10 years in power.

Montesinos, who is currently in prison convicted of several charges including corruption and embezzlement, was at the centre of the scandal which erupted after videos emerged showing him bribing opposition politicians and media magnates.

Fujimori had told the court the payment was not illegal because he had later reimbursed the state.

"I express my partial and relative conformity with the charges… I only acknowledge the facts, I don’t accept the criminal responsibility, the punishment or the civil reparations," he said. </p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

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Fujimori corruption trial opens

Alberto Fujimori in a file photo from 2008

The former president of Peru, Alberto Fujimori, found guilty of human rights abuses in April, is on trial again to face charges of corruption.

Mr Fujimori, who was president from 1990 to 2000, is accused of using state funds to pay his intelligence chief Vladimiro Montesinos $15m (£9.3m).

Mr Fujimori’s lawyer said his client was innocent of the charges.

In April, Mr Fujimori was sentenced to 25 years in jail for ordering killings and kidnappings by the security forces.

The prosecution alleges that the former president illegally channelled huge sums to his spy chief, Vladimiro Montesinos.

The multi-million dollar payment was allegedly made just two months before corruption accusations in late 2000 abruptly ended Fujimori’s 10 years in power.

‘Not guilty’

Montesinos, who is currently in prison convicted of several charges including corruption and embezzlement, was at the centre of the scandal which erupted after videos emerged showing him bribing opposition politicians and media magnates.

Mr Fujimori’s lawyer said his client would plead not guilty to corruption.

"Fujimori is innocent. We are going to fight for his acquittal," Cesar Nakazaki said.

Several former ministers in Mr Fujimori’s administration are expected to testify.

The prosecution is seeking an eight-year sentence and a fine of some $660,000.

Mr Fujimori was sentenced to 25 years in April after being found guilty of authorising an army death squad that killed 25 people in the early 1990s. He was already serving a six-year term after being found guilty in 2007 on separate charges of abuse of power.

The former president, who his supporters credit with crushing left-wing guerrillas during his time in office, still has residual support in Peru, says the BBC’s Dan Collyns in Lima.

Some opinion polls suggest his daughter, Keiko, is a frontrunner for the presidential elections due in 2011.</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Children die in harsh Peru winter

By Dan Collyns
BBC News, Lima

Snowy mountain in Peru (file image)

Almost 250 children under the age of five have died in a wave of intensely cold weather in Peru.

Children die from pneumonia and other respiratory infections every year during the winter months particularly in Peru’s southern Andes.

But this year freezing temperatures arrived almost three months earlier than usual.

Experts blame climate change for the early arrival of intense cold which began in March.

Winter in the region does not usually begin until June.

The extreme cold, which has brought snow, hail, freezing temperatures and strong winds, has killed more children than recorded annually for the past four years.

A total of 246 under the age of five have died so far, only half way through the winter months.

One third of the deaths were registered in the southern region of Puno, much of which is covered by a high plateau known as the altiplano which extends into neighbouring Bolivia.

Aid workers say prolonged exposure to the cold is causing hypothermia and deadly respiratory infections such as pneumonia.

Children, who are often malnourished, are more vulnerable to the extreme cold.

Poverty is widespread in Peru’s southern highlands and there is a lack of healthcare and basic services.

The government has declared a state of emergency in the affected areas but critics say the cold snaps are predictable and the annual deaths preventable.

Many have blamed government inefficiency for the deaths.

But Peru’s Health Minister, Oscar Ugarte, has said regional officials have not effectively distributed government resources.

Meanwhile in the capital, Lima, it has become an annual ritual for businesses and ordinary citizens to donate blankets, clothes and food for the victims of the cold weather in the south of the country.</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Peru president reshuffles cabinet

By Dan Collyns
BBC News, Lima

Peru's President Alan Garcia (left) and PM Javier Velasquez Quesquen

Peruvian President Alan Garcia has overhauled his cabinet appointing a new prime minister, Javier Velasquez Quesquen, and replacing seven others.

The move comes a month after the worst political violence Peru has seen in years, when at least 33 police officers and protesters were killed in clashes.

The violence came as security forces tried to end a blockade of roads and fuel pipelines by indigenous people.

They were protesting at what they see as exploitation of ancestral lands.

The changes at the top of Peruvian politics are intended to breathe fresh air into a cabinet which has been widely discredited.

It was criticised for its handling of protests by indigenous groups over Amazon land rights.

Anti-government protests, Lima, 8 July 2009

The new Prime Minister, Javier Velasquez Quesquen, is an insider in the governing party, and the president of Congress.

He replaces Yehude Simon, a former leftist who was chosen to build bridges with groups opposed to the government.

The controversial Interior Minister, Mercedes Cabanillas, who denied responsibility for last month’s deadly police operation, has been replaced by former national police chief, Octavio Salazar.

The defence, commerce, work, justice, agriculture and industry ministers have also been replaced.

President Garcia said he would make the changes earlier this week ahead of a three-day national strike.

Critics say Mr Garcia’s government is in the midst of its worst political crisis since he took office three years ago.

Much of the discontent stems from an economic slowdown and rising unemployment.

Poorer Peruvians say they have not benefitted from Mr Garcia’s free market policies. </p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

The fight for the Peruvian rainforest

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