Meeting in Ankara, Russian PM Vladimir Putin and his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan have come to agreement over the South Stream pipeline. It regards Moscow’s request to route its gas pipeline through Turkey’s territorial waters, RFE/RL reports.
Posts Tagged ‘Vladimir Putin’
Putin on another “shirtless vacation”
Two years after he first bared his chest for photographers during a holiday, Russian PM Vladimir Putin was back in the remote Tuva region of Siberia. According to news agency reports and a set of RIA Novosti photographs, he also once again stripped his military-style clothes down to the waist.
Now action man Putin dives world’s deepest lake

Vladimir Putin has dived to the bottom of the world’s deepest lake in Siberia, aboard a mini-submarine.
The Russian prime minister descended 1,400m (4,600ft) in a four-and-a-half hour mission to inspect crystals containing natural gas.
Mr Putin said it was a very special feeling and he had not seen anything like it before.
The mission is likely to add to the 56-year-old’s carefully cultivated image as a man of action.
However, as he emerged after the dive, Mr Putin quickly played down reporters’ suggestions that his next challenge would be to travel in space.
"There is enough work on earth," he said.
‘Plankton soup’
Lake Baikal in Siberia is a UN world heritage site. The largely untouched lake bed contains deposits of clathrate hydrate – crystals packed with natural gas.
Experts say the reserves of methane could rival some of the largest deposits in the world, although mineral extraction is banned.
"What I saw impressed me," the Russian leader said. "With my own eyes I could see how Baikal is, in all its grandeur, in all its greatness.

But Mr Putin expressed some surprise at how murky the water was. And while he realised it was clean from an "ecological point of view", he described it more as a "plankton soup".
Mr Putin arrived for his dive a day after clipping a satellite transmitter onto a Beluga whale on Chkalov island in Russia’s far east.
These acts are the latest in a series that have helped create something of a macho image for the former KGB spy.
While president, Mr Putin was famously photographed on holiday angling, stripped to the waist and wearing a pair of combat trousers.
As well as being a judo black belt, he has also taken to the sky in a fighter jet, shot a Siberian tiger with a tranquilliser gun, and been pictured astride a Mongolian horse. </p
This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.
Tainted history

By James Rodgers
BBC News
What is worrying Russia Why is the country convinced that it is the victim of a campaign to make it look bad
President Dmitry Medvedev recently announced the setting up of a commission to counter the falsification of history. He said this was becoming increasingly "severe, evil, and aggressive".

"This is absolute poppycock," says Robert Service, professor of Russian History at Oxford University. "History is all about argument. There is no absolute historical truth about anything big in history."
Mr Service dismisses the Russian leader’s suggestion that his country is facing some kind of academic aggression.
Instead, he sees a desire to dominate, worthy of the most repressive totalitarian regimes of fiction.
"President Medvedev, following in the path of his predecessor President [Vladimir] Putin, wants to control history," he says.
"And he wants to control history as a means of controlling the present. This is the classic George Orwell scenario."
‘Hysterical reaction’
Many Russians, though, agree with their president.
Natalia Narochnitskaya, a former deputy in the Russian parliament and now a member of the new Historical Truth Commission, says that she is surprised by what she terms the "almost hysterical reaction" in the West.
"In the Western media especially, there is a certain prejudice against Russia and Russian history," she says.
"They always feel that Russia since, you know, Ivan the Terrible, is a certain country which is off the European civilisation."
"In August there will be such a yelling about the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, saying that that was the step that led to the Second World War"
Natalia Narochnitskaya, member of the Historical Truth Commission
Ask a few more questions, though, and these two apparently separate views begin to converge.
At least, they agree on what the key issue is – World War II. And here lies the clue as to the real reason for the establishment of the new commission.
This is what appears to anger today’s Russian historical establishment: accounts of Red Army crimes on the march to Berlin; assertions by the Baltic countries and others in Eastern Europe that Soviet forces came as occupiers as much as liberators; any suggestion that Stalin’s Soviet Union and Nazi Germany were anything but complete opposites and bitter enemies.
Here, perhaps, there is a clue as to the timing of the commission’s founding.
Next month sees the 70th anniversary of the non-aggression pact between the USSR and Hitler’s Germany, something Ms Narochnitskaya expects the West to make a lot of noise about.
"In August there will be such a yelling about the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, saying that that was the step that led to the Second World War, and that Germany and the Soviet Union were two equal, disgusting, totalitarian monsters."
Nationalist sentiment
Why does this matter today Do these arguments have any great importance beyond the walls of universities In Russia, the answer is yes.
"So many people are speaking about strong, Orthodox Russia, military power… The commission is partly a response to this atmosphere"
Tamara Eidelman
Moscow history teacher
The country sees its victory over Hitler’s forces as the greatest moment of the 20th Century.
The war is sometimes discussed in the news media as if it were a recent event, not increasingly distant history.
Any attempt to tarnish the glory of that triumph is seen as a deliberate attempt to make Russia look bad.
Russia’s past haunts its present. Recognising that, the authorities want to rule the version of the past which dominates today.
Tamara Eidelman, who teaches history at a Moscow High School, feels surrounded by nationalist sentiment.
"So many people are speaking about strong, Orthodox Russia, military power," she says.

"It is something that is very strong in historical tradition and in popular opinion. This commission is partly a response to this atmosphere."
The creation of this commission seems to go to the heart of what troubles modern Russia.
The chaos which followed the collapse of communism left many Russians deeply distrustful of politics and officialdom.
President Medvedev has complained of the corruption and "legal nihilism" which plague his country.
Russia’s leaders today know that they need this shining, sacred, memory of victory to give their people something to believe in.
In the near future, it may even be backed up in law.
The Russian parliament is on its summer break at the moment, but legislation is being considered – legislation that would make it a criminal offence to "infringe on historical memory in relation to events which took place in the Second World War".
James Rodgers was formerly the BBC’s Moscow correspondent.</p
This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.
Here today, gone by 2010
Russia reserve fund is emptying fast
Russia’s reserve fund, built up over several years thanks to high oil prices, will shrink to US$52bn in the third quarter of this year from a peak of US$137bn in March, and is expected to be empty by the end of 2010 as transfers are required to plug the yawning gap between government revenue and spending. Assuming that by 2011 the global economy is growing robustly once more, the reserve fund will have done its job. If not, Russia’s government, which has hiked spending sharply in recent years, is likely to return to the international debt markets—and this could change the political realities in which the country’s rulers operate.
Russia’s government will transfer Rb1.36trn (US$43.7bn) from its reserve fund to the state budget during the third quarter of this year, the government announced on July 22nd after Vladimir Putin, the prime minister, had signed a decree to approve the measure. As a result, the reserve fund will have just Rb1.6trn by the start of October, compared with a peak balance of nearly Rb4.9trn in March. …
Escort’s tapes ‘reveal night with Berlusconi’
• Spotlight back on private life after L’Aquila summit
• Tapes claim Italian PM sought menage-a-trois
If Silvio Berlusconi thought he’d shaken off the furore over his alleged use of escort girls, he was in for a nasty surprise today.
The Italian prime minister has successfully deflected and sidestepped lurid allegations about his supposed liaisons in recent weeks, helped by some timely international summitry which let him demonstrate his statesmanship, not to mention his commitment to dealing with the aftermath of the L’Aquila earthquake.
But today it was all about call girls, giant beds and the suggestion of a menage-a-trois, after a left-leaning news magazine, L’Espresso, posted “pillow talk” recordings that an escort said she made during a night with the septuagenarian Italian leader.
The escort, Patrizia D’Addario, claims the tapes relate to the night of 4 November last year, when the leaders of the world were holding their breath, waiting to see if Americans would elect their first black president.
Berlusconi, apparently, had other things on his mind.
According to D’Addario, Berlusconi was entertaining her in the bedroom of his magnificent Rome residence, Palazzo Grazioli. In one fragment of conversation, Berlusconi appears to direct D’Addario to wait for him in bed while he showers. In another conversation, recorded the next day, she protests to Giampaolo Tarantini, the businessman who allegedly set her up with the Italian prime minister, that she had not received the €5,000 (£4,300) she was expecting.
In a third snippet, it is claimed she confides to the same intermediary that Berlusconi asked her whether next time they met she would agree to a menage-a-trois with another of his girlfriends.
“He said that he has a girlfriend and would like to have me lick this girlfriend,” D’Addario says, according to the posted recordings.
The Berlusconi camp moved quickly to rubbish the tapes. Berlusconi’s spokesman said: “This seesaw of gossip is not getting anywhere”. A spokesman for his party, the Freedom People, called the release of the recordings “pathetic”. An attorney, Niccolo Ghedini, said they were “without any merit, completely improbable and the fruit of invention”.
The content of the conversations was reported in broad terms last month, but the words themselves, some pronounced in what sound like the distinctively nasal tones of Italy’s prime minister, are likely to have an effect no news report can rival.
One of the conversations appears to back claims that Italy’s leader has a giant bed with a connection, as yet unclear, to his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin.
After an exchange in which the prime minister seems to be offering a present to D’Addario, he says to her: “I’m taking a shower.” He then asks her to wait on the big bed. She asks which one. He replies: “Putin’s”.
The tapes also include ammunition for Berlusconi’s supporters, however. He has said that he has never paid for sex, and insisted that he was unaware the women who attended his parties were being rewarded. In the telephone call with Tarantini, D’Addario tells him that things went well, adding: “No envelope, though.”
There is another respect in which the recordings could help Berlusconi. They imply that the 72 year-old billionaire politician, who has had prostate cancer, nevertheless has remarkable sexual endurance. It remains to be seen if that will inspire more admiration than censure among ordinary Italians.
D’Addario tells Tarantini “we didn’t sleep a wink” and when Berlusconi calls her later, she is heard to say that she is not tired even though she didn’t sleep. “Only my voice has gone,” she says. He replies: “Why? We didn’t shout.”
On the recording, both the voices sound gruff.
D’Addario, who stood as a candidate in local elections this year for a group close to the prime minister’s party, has given the recordings to prosecutors investigating Tarantini.
William Bradley: Hillary’s Back! (Or Not)
Hillary Clinton’s notorious “3 AM” TV ad ad attacked Barack Obama during the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries as being unprepared on geopolitics. But President…
Russian rights campaigner murdered
Natalia Estemirova found shot dead after being abducted outside her home
Russia’s human rights record tonight came under severe criticism after one of the country’s most famous human rights campaigners was abducted from her home in Chechnya and brutally murdered.
Natalia Estemirova was seized by four unknown men this morning as she left for work. Neighbours at her house in Grozny, Chechnya’s capital, heard her shout: “I’m being kidnapped.”
Her body was found near Gazi-Yurt village, in neighbouring Ingushetia. She had been shot twice in the head and chest, police said, adding that her corpse had been dumped on the main road.
Human rights activists expressed outrage at her murder, reminiscent of the killing of Anna Politkovskaya, the journalist, writer, and bitter Kremlin critic shot dead outside her Moscow apartment in 2006.
Estemirova, 50, was a close friend of Politkovskaya’s. The two had collaborated on numerous investigations into human rights abuses in Chechnya. Both were scathing opponents of Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya’s pro-Kremlin president.
“Natasha was at the forefront of some of the most intense human rights investigations in Chechnya,” said Allison Gill, director of Human Rights Watch in Russia. “She was targeted because of her work. I have no doubt her killing was to silence her. One of the most amazing things about Natasha is that she never stopped doing what she was doing. She never checked herself. She was highly public in her calls for accountability.
“I think the human rights situation is in crisis in Russia,” she added. “We have a deathly silence from the authorities whenever activists, lawyers or journalists are murdered. Not a single person is brought to justice.”
Estemirova was the Chechnya-based head of Memorial, Russia’s oldest human rights group.
Operating out of a small office in Grozny, she doggedly pursued stories of human rights abuses in the face of official intimidation and hostility.
She recently collaborated on two damning reports into punitive house burnings and extra-judicial killings in Chechnya, allegedly carried out by Kadyrov’s forces. The reports documented how on 2 July his troops allegedly shot 20-year-old Madina Yunusova and her husband near Grozny.
Chechen officials claimed her husband had been involved in a plot to kill Kadyrov. Yunosova died three days later in hospital under mysterious circumstances.
“Natasha was always involved in the most sensitive cases. She knew what she was doing. She knew the risks,” Shamil Tangiyev, a former Memorial colleague said. “She was extremely brave. It was in her nature to be an activist.”
Estemirova made no attempt to hide her work. Her office near the newly renamed Putin avenue was well known.
The timing of her murder follows Barack Obama’s first visit to Moscow last week as US president. Obama met with Russian human rights activists and set out the US’s commitment to “universal values”.
The Kremlin responded with hardline pronouncements, with the president, Dmitry Medvedev, visiting the breakaway Georgian republic of South Ossetia on Monday. The trip appeared to be a direct rebuff to Obama who had said that both Georgia and Ukraine should be free to choose their own leaders.
Estemirova, who leaves a 15-year-old daughter, was probably the best-known human rights activist in Russia’s provinces.
Earlier this year she attended the trial in Moscow of four people – two of them Chechens – accused of involvement in Politkovskaya’s murder.
Speaking to the Guardian in February, Estemirova called the Politkovskaya trial a “farce”.
Kadyrov, a close ally of Russia’s prime minister, Vladimir Putin, has denied accusations he was involved in Politkovskaya’s killing, remarking: “I don’t kill women.”
Recently the Kremlin has given Kadyrov unprecedented powers for counter-terrorist operations in Ingushetia, amid a worsening Islamist insurgency across the entire North Caucasus.
Estemirova was also a close colleague of Stanislav Markelov, the human rights lawyer murdered in Moscow in January. A masked assassin shot Markelov in the back of the head, not far from the Kremlin, along with Anastasia Baburova, a journalist with the Novaya Gazeta newspaper.
Tonight human rights activists urged the west to place human rights at the centre of any dialogue with Russia. Gill said: “We can’t talk about trade or energy without mentioning the rule of law.”
Deepak Chopra: Will Russia Join the World?
On his visit to Moscow, President Obama carried more than an olive branch. He urged Russia to join the global community, which may be more…
Obama interview risks Russian ire
US president signals tough stance by speaking with prominent opposition newspaper Novaya Gazeta ahead of state visit
Barack Obama is to give an interview to the Russian opposition newspaper Novaya Gazeta before his trip to Moscow on Monday, in the clearest sign yet that his administration will take an unexpectedly tough approach in its dealings with the Kremlin. Obama will talk to the editor-in-chief, Dmitry Muratov, and meet the former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, who co-owns the paper.
Novaya Gazeta is famous for its critical reporting of the Russian government. Its special correspondent Anna Politkovskaya is one of four reporters from the paper to have been murdered. A critic of the prime minister, Vladimir Putin, she was shot dead in Moscow in October 2006.
Formally, Obama is following in the footsteps of Russia’s president, Dmitry Medvedev, who granted Novaya an interview in April. This week the paper published its own investigation into the origins of last summer’s war between Russia and Georgia. The Kremlin blamed Georgia’s pro-US leader, Mikheil Saakashvili. According to Novaya, however, the Kremlin planned its invasion of Georgia long in advance, sending columns of tanks.
There has been a wide-ranging debate inside Obama’s administration on how to engage with Russia, after the disastrous Bush years. By last autumn relations between Moscow and Washington had sunk to their lowest since the 1980s.
Foreign policy realists argue that in order to “reset” relations with Moscow, and secure Russia’s support for US priorities like Iran and Afghanistan, Obama should soft-pedal his support for human rights. Idealists want a vigorous, values-based engagement with the Kremlin.
Writing in the Moscow Times last week, Russian analyst Lilia Shevtsova noted: “The outcome of Obama’s visit will depend on the willingness of the US to see the differences between the national interest of Russia and the interests of Russia’s ruling elite.”
A Russian presidential spokesman, Sergei Prikhodko, said Obama and Medvedev would sign “framework agreements” on Monday, covering nuclear arms reduction, military co-operation and the transit of US supplies to Afghanistan. They have pledged to agree a replacement to the Start-1 nuclear treaty, which expires on December 5. But experts are sceptical. Prikhodko confirmed that a deal could only take place if the US acknowledged Russia’s “concerns” over the US missile defence shield in central Europe. The Kremlin wants Obama to dump it.
Human rights groups want Obama to raise the issue of murdered Russian journalists. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists says 17 journalists have been killed since 2000.
On Thursday Obama described Putin as a cold war figure with “one foot in the old ways of doing business and one foot on the new”. Putin responded: “As regards our standing one foot in the past and the other ahead, we cannot stand, as they say, perhaps not in a very literary way, with out legs apart. We stand firmly on our feet and always look to the future.”
Putin said he was looking forward to Obama’s visit “with very warm feelings”.




How to handle Russia
When he meets Medvedev in Moscow, Obama should know this is not a mighty superpower, but a weak and corrupt federation
US president Barack Obama arrives in Moscow on Monday 6 July. Here, in Russia, he is awaited with some foreboding – he is, after all, the most powerful man on earth. The Kremlin hopes he will announce a “reset” in US-Russian relations, and recognise today’s Russia as a respected, worthy ally. Russia’s liberals, by contrast, want him to admonish the Kremlin for shortcomings in its authoritarian regime.
Many Russians see Obama as a kind of secret messiah, chosen to guide the nation towards a new phase in its historical development. Surprisingly, among Russia’s ruling elite there is no real anti-American sentiment: both those in power and Russia’s opposition crave, more than anything else, America’s love. If sometimes America aggrieves them, and from time to time they criticise Washington, they do so only because they are afraid of the US not returning their love.
Contrary to the beliefs of many politicians, today’s Russian Federation has absolutely nothing in common with the late USSR. If anything, the Russian Federation is the world’s most anti-Soviet government. The USSR was based on socialism, state ownership, collectivisation, the cult worship of Marxism-Leninism, the export of communism and the need for military and political influence in satellite countries and regions. The Russian Federation is based upon very different ideals: namely, capitalism, private ownership, total individualism, the cult of money, the rejection of traditional state paternalism and widespread corruption at all levels of power.
Another important factor is the desire to secure the ruling elite’s business interests all over the world. Neither Vladimir Putin nor Dmitry Medvedev have real power. Power belongs to big capital –which, in Russia, means those who benefited from the massive privatisations of Soviet infrastructure. Resetting relations with the US is important for the Kremlin since it is a way for Russia to gain entry to western markets and investment. Therefore, this issue can and should be discussed with Medvedev – and only Medvedev. Putin shouldn’t even get a look-in.
Today’s Russian rulers don’t hate democracy or freedom. Rather, they simply don’t believe such values exist, are necessary or of use. But they do believe inmoney and technology. This must be taken into account when entering into any dialogue with them. The Russian elite doesn’t conceive of itself in political or geopolitical terms. So there isn’t any point in asking the leadership about any strategic game plan in its relations with Iran or the satellite countries of the former USSR. They do not know themselves. There are no political positions that they would not, in principle, be willing to abandon in exchange for proper compensation.
Over the past 90 years, Russia has never been as weak as today. Officially, the Kremlin has a tight grip over the country; in reality, this is a myth. The only ruling principle and source of power in Russia is corruption. It only takes into consideration the wishes of the Kremlin when it needs to. Moscow’s influence on former parts of its empire is finished: the latest events in Belarus and Kyrgyzstan eloquently confirm this. Control over large parts of the north Caucasus has been lost. Russia’s armed forces have withered away, technologically and morally. And the post-Soviet economic model, based on the export of raw materials and the import of everything else, is careering towards a crash: unemployment figures are rising by 250,000 to 300,000 per month; while industrial output is declining by 15-17% per month. The current rise in the price of oil does nothing to improve the picture.
Russia has no political opposition that could bring about regime change. Critics of the Kremlin – from ultra-liberals to communists – have been co-opted into the power system. This has happened because of corruption, and because the opposition fears open political conflict. At present, a protest movement across Russia is beginning to stir, but without a proper legal and political superstructure the only way it can be expressed is, to use Pushkin’s phrase, through senseless and ruthless riots.
Russia’s elite has recently come up with several daft ideas, including making the rouble an international reserve currency. The most talented and able members of Russia’s political establishment have been systematically disposed of over the past decade, leaving only the dregs. Their main goal has been to reduce inter-elite competition and to conserve their own power.
Before Obama takes the Kremlin or its utterances too seriously, he should remember this: to this day, the Kremlin believes the Orange revolution in the Ukraine to be the result of an American conspiracy; and that, until the beginning of November 2008, the leaders of Russia genuinely thought the next president of the United States would be John McCain because, in their opinion, a black man would never become American president.
If Obama really wants to improve relations with Moscow, he must take the lead. Obama should suggest to Russia’s leaders that they should be permitted to make investments in the west, allowing them (by means of an exchange in assets) to invest in the US gas market, letting Gazprom join a consortium for the modernisation of, for example, Ukraine’s gas transport system. Obama must also stress to Medvedev and his entourage that the White House considers him and other Kremlin leaders to be strong political partners. If Obama makes these overtures, Moscow will make political and defence concessions at a faster and more extensive rate than many experts believe.
Russia is no longer a superpower. And Russia poses no threat to Europe or America when strong. Rather, the danger lies in a weak Russia precipitating the destruction of its own statehood. If the gigantic territory that lies between eastern Prussia and the Siberian/Ussuryisk Taiga becomes uncontrollable, Europe and the US will find themselves confronted with a greater danger than that posed by the nuclear programmes of Iran and North Korea. It is crucial to monitor Russia’s decline, so that a catastrophe does not catch western powers off-guard.