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Liberia’s Charles Taylor to deny war crimes

Former president stands accused at The Hague of murder, rape and torture during Sierra Leone civil war

Lawyers for the former president of Liberia Charles Taylor, who stands accused of leading a systematic campaign of murder, rape and torture during the civil war in Sierra Leone, will today claim he was “not involved”, and that he “was a peacemaker, not a warmonger”.

The 61-year old’s defence began this morning at the UN-backed special court for Sierra Leone in The Hague, where he denies charges that include enlisting and drugging child soldiers, enforcing sexual slavery and commanding and arming rebels from his presidential palace, in Monrovia, during the 11-year conflict, which ended in 2002.

Taylor, the first African head of state to be tried by an international court, has pleaded not guilty to 11 charges in a hearing that has 91 witnesses since January 2007. His defence is being led by Courtenay Griffiths, a British lawyer. Taylor will take the stand tomorrow for what is expected to be several weeks of testimony in his own defence.

The court has already heard witness testimony of radio exchanges between Taylor and the rebels, arms smuggled from Liberia to Sierra Leone in sacks of rice, and diamonds sent back in a mayonnaise jar. One former aide said he had seen Taylor eat a human liver.

“We say, and have said all along, that they are lying,” Griffiths said of the prosecution witnesses. “His case is that he was not involved – that he was a peacemaker, not a warmonger.”

The defence team has a list of more than 200 witnesses, including unnamed former African heads of state and high-ranking UN officials. Griffiths will argue that Taylor was asked by the 15-member Economic Community of West African States and the UN to help halt the atrocities in Sierra Leone.

Some 500,000 people are estimated to have been killed or systematically mutilated, or to have suffered other atrocities, in Sierra Leone’s civil war.

Some of the worst crimes were carried out by gangs of child soldiers given drugs to desensitise them to the horror of their actions. Taylor is accused of arming them in exchange for diamonds.

Taylor was forced into exile after being indicted in 2003, and was finally arrested in Nigeria in 2006. He was sent for trial in The Hague because officials feared staging the case in Sierra Leone could spark further violence.

He boycotted the start of his trial, in June 2007, and fired his attorney, holding up proceedings until January 2008, when prosecutors called their first witness.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Unending agony for Liberia’s soldiers

Tomorrow Charles Taylor becomes the first African leader to appear in the dock at The Hague accused of crimes against humanity. In the bullet-scarred region of Lofa, in northern Liberia, Annie Kelly meets his former child soldiers, who were first traumatised by war, then abandoned by the state – and have now been cast out by their own families

Gloria Sherman was 13 years old when Charles Taylor’s soldiers came for her in 2001. Flushed from her hiding place in the bush outside her village in Lofa, northern Liberia, she was forced to watch as her father and brother were skinned alive. Then she was taken into a captivity lasting nearly two years: a conscript child soldier and a sexual slave in the former president’s army.

She is 18 now, but the memories are still raw. “We used to do bad, bad things that they told us to do,” she said last week. “Sometimes even if you were only 10 years old they would put guns and ammunition on your head to carry to the battle; you have to do what they said or they’d kill you. They killed many children, many girls. All the time many soldiers would have sex with you, every night they would come and have sex and beat you, and if you said no they would kill you or hit you with guns.”

Tomorrow Taylor will become the first African leader to be tried for crimes against humanity by the Special Court for Sierra Leone, sitting in The Hague. He faces 11 charges – including the deployment of child soldiers – relating to a decade-long civil war in the neighbouring state of Sierra Leone.

But it was in Liberia, as a rebel leader and then as president, that his juvenile bands of killers first began to roam in the 1990s, a military model that was then exported across the border.

Across the towns and villages of the north, countless atrocities took place and thousands of young lives were irredeemably brutalised. Nobody who managed to survive them has forgotten the days when Taylor was the power in the land.

During and after Taylor’s successful rebellion against the corrupt and violent government of Samuel Doe, his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) army controlled much of the country. The Small Boys Unit, made up of children under 11, was among his most feared rebel battalions, a regiment of innocent murderers.

When the rebel warlord was eventually elected president in 1997, one of his election campaign slogans was: “He killed my ma, he killed my pa, but I will vote for him.”

The Taylor presidency was savagely violent as constant insurgencies locked the country in a cycle of war until he was forced to resign in 2003. His son, the infamous Chucky Taylor, who ran Taylor’s paramilitary anti-terrorism security forces, was jailed by a US court for 97 years this year after it was found that, between 1999 and 2002, his “Demon Forces” squads had tortured to death scores of people accused of being anti-Taylor rebels.

By 2003, as Taylor lost control of large tracts of the country to the equally ruthless Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (Lurd) rebel force, backed by Guinea, some 15,000 children were fighting in Taylor’s government forces.

Defeated at last, Taylor resigned, went into exile in Nigeria and now faces life imprisonment if found guilty at The Hague. Meanwhile the children and adolescents who killed and suffered in his name have grown into a traumatised, desolate adulthood.

In Lofa county, where the child soldiers once rampaged, bullet-scarred buildings and burnt-out checkpoints still stand as monuments to the relentless fighting this province endured.

Rebel activity and government raids forced hundreds of thousands of civilians in Lofa to flee their homes and surge over the borders of Guinea and Sierra Leone, where they filled sprawling refugee camps until the peace in 2003. When they came back, they found Lofa in tatters, its infrastructure destroyed and villages burnt. Although the region is now peaceful and the land is once again lush, the scars of the war are everywhere.

Many villages in the region are little more than temporary shelters dotted with shattered buildings and burnt-out churches. Rows of tanks sit behind barbed wire as bored Bangladeshi peacekeeping soldiers sit fingering their rifles at lookout posts in United Nations encampments scattered throughout the area.

The vast majority of people here have no electricity and struggle to scrape a living from the land. As for the thousands of former child combatants who returned here after the war, they are now obliged to endure new horrors as they try to rebuild their lives.

Two years of systematic rape and beatings have left Gloria with jagged scars and internal injuries so severe that she has little chance of ever becoming a mother. When she managed to escape from her captors and make her way back to her village, she found that she was now an outcast.

Labelled a “rebel wife” and accused of collaborating in the violence inflicted on her village by drugged and ruthless soldiers during the war, she says that the only way she can survive is by having sex with men – NGO workers, government officials and businessmen – who often pay her in food, sanitary towels or soap.

“They say we are bad girls because of what we did in the war and what we do now,” Gloria said. “But they took me and I had no choice.”

The Observer talked to dozens of Taylor’s former child soldiers in Lofa who said that they have been abandoned by the state, ostracised by their families and forced into prostitution and crime in order to survive.

Elijah Kollie, a frail 19-year-old taken from his home by Taylor’s government troops in 2000, talked impassively of children’s stomachs being slit open in front of him and of the multiple rapes and murders he witnessed on the front line. “When I came back, I didn’t have anyone: everyone in my family was dead,” he said with a shrug.

He points to a patch of earth in the centre of the village where he said that Lurd rebels used to boil alive people they suspected of aiding Taylor’s government forces. “I still don’t know where to go because I can’t forget what happened. I feel angry because of what happened to me and now people here are causing many problems for us. I just wish my father was still here.”

A recent report by Plan, a leading international children’s organisation, said that the phenomenon of child soldier armies in conflicts across west Africa has left a devastating footprint of psychological trauma and spiralling suicide rates across the region.

Interviews conducted with child soldiers across Liberia for the report revealed that 60% of them had witnessed another child being beaten to death, 87% had seen a family member killed and 84% had found themselves “surrounded by, lying underneath or stepping on” dead bodies.

In Sierra Leone, Plan researchers deemed 70% of girls and 80% of boys interviewed for the report were at serious risk of suicide, with 30% of children interviewed having already attempted suicide on at least one occasion.

“The war broke the bonds between children and their parents and extended families. Those who fought as soldiers are now treated as pariahs and this stigma goes all the way up the chain from village level up to local and central government,” said Joseph Henah, a counsellor at one of Plan’s child soldier support programmes in Lofa.

“The situation that is faced by many of these children is desperate. The majority, if not all, of the girls are forced into transactional sex. Many are living alone, they are on drugs, they cannot go to school and this is the generation which is supposed to be leading our country out of poverty and into a better future.”

Child rights groups say that the plight of Liberia’s former child soldiers is going unheeded as the government struggles to provide even basic services to its 3.5 million people, 2.4 million of whom are surviving on less than $1 a day. As one of the world’s poorest countries – with only 50 government doctors and the eighth highest global maternal mortality rate – Liberia has no money to spend on the casualties of its shocking recent history.

When asked about why the government is failing to help former child soldiers, Dr Wilhemina Jallah of the John F Kennedy Memorial Hospital in the capital, Monrovia, points to the hundreds of women waiting for treatment in the hospital’s steamy outpatient clinic. “The majority of women who come in to give birth have malaria, many have terrible injuries which makes childbirth dangerous, there is no transport to health centres in rural areas and we don’t have enough drugs,” she said. “Although they are needed, mental health services are not our priority.”

Many fear the country’s fragile peace now hangs in the balance after Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its final report last week, recommending that the current president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, and other key political figures face sanctions for their role in the civil war.

The report recommended that the popular Johnson-Sirleaf be banned from holding public office for 30 years for her role in financing Taylor’s invasion in 1989. Testifying before the commission earlier this year, Johnson-Sirleaf apologised for her support of Taylor, saying that she had been “fooled” into it.

“If there is anything that I need to apologise for to this nation, it is to apologise for being fooled by Mr Taylor in giving any kind of support to him,” the president told the commission. “I feel it in my conscience. I feel it every day.”

The commission, which was launched by Johnson-Sirleaf herself after she was elected in 2005, heard testimonies from thousands of victims in an effort to move the country towards reconciliation before launching its final report. Several of the former warlords who are recommended for prosecution by the commission, many of whom now hold public office, have already pledged to oppose any attempt to bring them to justice, sparking fears of a return to violence.

In Monrovia, many Liberians say their desire for peace outweighs their need for justice. “We just want to forget the war and move on; we don’t want a return to violence: we want peace and jobs,” said Charles Muyan, who drives a taxi downtown. “We don’t want this whole thing brought up again.”

But in Lofa, hundreds of miles away, there is no indication that life will get any better for the thousands of former child soldiers struggling to survive. “I think about my father and my brother every day and my sister who I haven’t seen since she was taken by rebels,” said Gloria. “When I close my eyes, all I can see is the war. I often think about taking my own life. It would have been better if I’d died in the war, but I am still alive and I hope one day something will be different and I will be a good person.”

The burden of being a “rebel child” has proved too much for some. Two months ago, Mardy Samuka’s body was found swinging from the roof of the bullet-scarred church near the village of Foya in Lofa – another, belated victim of Taylor’s terrifying reign.

Samuka’s aunt, Moidee, wept as she talked of the desperation her nephew felt. Crippled when a stray bullet lodged in his leg during fighting around the village in 2001, it was what happened to him after the war that drove the 19-year-old to put the noose around his neck, she said.

“I tell people that he was never a soldier, that he never did any of those terrible things that the children did to this village, but any child missing a limb is known as a former soldier here,” she said.

“He carried that stigma, we all did; his life could come to nothing. There was nobody to help him.”

• Some of the names in this article have been changed to protect identities

Life and times of Charles Taylor

1948 Born Charles McArthur Ghankay Taylor to a Gola mother and American-Liberian father in Arthington, Liberia.

1972 Awarded degree at Bentley college, Massachusetts.

1980 Supports coup led by Samuel K Doe and given high-ranking position in Liberian government.

1983 Faces charges of embezzling $922,000 and flees Liberia.

1984 Arrested on the run in Massachusetts and jailed.

1985 Rumoured to have sawed through prison bars to escape a US jail before leaving for Libya.

1989 Launches rebellion against Doe.

1990 Doe overthrown after months of fighting.

1991 Revolutionary United Front rebellion starts in Sierra Leone, allegedly backed by Taylor.

1995 Liberian factions sign peace deal

1997 Taylor elected president in landslide.

1999 Start of anti-Taylor rebellion by Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (Lurd).

2003 Special Court for Sierra Leone charges Taylor with crimes against humanity as Lurd takes control of most of the country.

2003 Taylor resigns and goes into exile in Nigeria.

2006 Taylor arrested in Nigeria and handed to the UN in Sierra Leone. The prosecution asks for the trial to be switched to The Hague.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Unending agony for Liberia’s soldiers

Tomorrow Charles Taylor becomes the first African leader to appear in the dock at The Hague accused of crimes against humanity. In the bullet-scarred region of Lofa, in northern Liberia, Annie Kelly meets his former child soldiers, who were first traumatised by war, then abandoned by the state – and have now been cast out by their own families

Gloria Sherman was 13 years old when Charles Taylor’s soldiers came for her in 2001. Flushed from her hiding place in the bush outside her village in Lofa, northern Liberia, she was forced to watch as her father and brother were skinned alive. Then she was taken into a captivity lasting nearly two years: a conscript child soldier and a sexual slave in the former president’s army.

She is 18 now, but the memories are still raw. “We used to do bad, bad things that they told us to do,” she said last week. “Sometimes even if you were only 10 years old they would put guns and ammunition on your head to carry to the battle; you have to do what they said or they’d kill you. They killed many children, many girls. All the time many soldiers would have sex with you, every night they would come and have sex and beat you, and if you said no they would kill you or hit you with guns.”

Tomorrow Taylor will become the first African leader to be tried for crimes against humanity by the Special Court for Sierra Leone, sitting in The Hague. He faces 11 charges – including the deployment of child soldiers – relating to a decade-long civil war in the neighbouring state of Sierra Leone.

But it was in Liberia, as a rebel leader and then as president, that his juvenile bands of killers first began to roam in the 1990s, a military model that was then exported across the border.

Across the towns and villages of the north, countless atrocities took place and thousands of young lives were irredeemably brutalised. Nobody who managed to survive them has forgotten the days when Taylor was the power in the land.

During and after Taylor’s successful rebellion against the corrupt and violent government of Samuel Doe, his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) army controlled much of the country. The Small Boys Unit, made up of children under 11, was among his most feared rebel battalions, a regiment of innocent murderers.

When the rebel warlord was eventually elected president in 1997, one of his election campaign slogans was: “He killed my ma, he killed my pa, but I will vote for him.”

The Taylor presidency was savagely violent as constant insurgencies locked the country in a cycle of war until he was forced to resign in 2003. His son, the infamous Chucky Taylor, who ran Taylor’s paramilitary anti-terrorism security forces, was jailed by a US court for 97 years this year after it was found that, between 1999 and 2002, his “Demon Forces” squads had tortured to death scores of people accused of being anti-Taylor rebels.

By 2003, as Taylor lost control of large tracts of the country to the equally ruthless Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (Lurd) rebel force, backed by Guinea, some 15,000 children were fighting in Taylor’s government forces.

Defeated at last, Taylor resigned, went into exile in Nigeria and now faces life imprisonment if found guilty at The Hague. Meanwhile the children and adolescents who killed and suffered in his name have grown into a traumatised, desolate adulthood.

In Lofa county, where the child soldiers once rampaged, bullet-scarred buildings and burnt-out checkpoints still stand as monuments to the relentless fighting this province endured.

Rebel activity and government raids forced hundreds of thousands of civilians in Lofa to flee their homes and surge over the borders of Guinea and Sierra Leone, where they filled sprawling refugee camps until the peace in 2003. When they came back, they found Lofa in tatters, its infrastructure destroyed and villages burnt. Although the region is now peaceful and the land is once again lush, the scars of the war are everywhere.

Many villages in the region are little more than temporary shelters dotted with shattered buildings and burnt-out churches. Rows of tanks sit behind barbed wire as bored Bangladeshi peacekeeping soldiers sit fingering their rifles at lookout posts in United Nations encampments scattered throughout the area.

The vast majority of people here have no electricity and struggle to scrape a living from the land. As for the thousands of former child combatants who returned here after the war, they are now obliged to endure new horrors as they try to rebuild their lives.

Two years of systematic rape and beatings have left Gloria with jagged scars and internal injuries so severe that she has little chance of ever becoming a mother. When she managed to escape from her captors and make her way back to her village, she found that she was now an outcast.

Labelled a “rebel wife” and accused of collaborating in the violence inflicted on her village by drugged and ruthless soldiers during the war, she says that the only way she can survive is by having sex with men – NGO workers, government officials and businessmen – who often pay her in food, sanitary towels or soap.

“They say we are bad girls because of what we did in the war and what we do now,” Gloria said. “But they took me and I had no choice.”

The Observer talked to dozens of Taylor’s former child soldiers in Lofa who said that they have been abandoned by the state, ostracised by their families and forced into prostitution and crime in order to survive.

Elijah Kollie, a frail 19-year-old taken from his home by Taylor’s government troops in 2000, talked impassively of children’s stomachs being slit open in front of him and of the multiple rapes and murders he witnessed on the front line. “When I came back, I didn’t have anyone: everyone in my family was dead,” he said with a shrug.

He points to a patch of earth in the centre of the village where he said that Lurd rebels used to boil alive people they suspected of aiding Taylor’s government forces. “I still don’t know where to go because I can’t forget what happened. I feel angry because of what happened to me and now people here are causing many problems for us. I just wish my father was still here.”

A recent report by Plan, a leading international children’s organisation, said that the phenomenon of child soldier armies in conflicts across west Africa has left a devastating footprint of psychological trauma and spiralling suicide rates across the region.

Interviews conducted with child soldiers across Liberia for the report revealed that 60% of them had witnessed another child being beaten to death, 87% had seen a family member killed and 84% had found themselves “surrounded by, lying underneath or stepping on” dead bodies.

In Sierra Leone, Plan researchers deemed 70% of girls and 80% of boys interviewed for the report were at serious risk of suicide, with 30% of children interviewed having already attempted suicide on at least one occasion.

“The war broke the bonds between children and their parents and extended families. Those who fought as soldiers are now treated as pariahs and this stigma goes all the way up the chain from village level up to local and central government,” said Joseph Henah, a counsellor at one of Plan’s child soldier support programmes in Lofa.

“The situation that is faced by many of these children is desperate. The majority, if not all, of the girls are forced into transactional sex. Many are living alone, they are on drugs, they cannot go to school and this is the generation which is supposed to be leading our country out of poverty and into a better future.”

Child rights groups say that the plight of Liberia’s former child soldiers is going unheeded as the government struggles to provide even basic services to its 3.5 million people, 2.4 million of whom are surviving on less than $1 a day. As one of the world’s poorest countries – with only 50 government doctors and the eighth highest global maternal mortality rate – Liberia has no money to spend on the casualties of its shocking recent history.

When asked about why the government is failing to help former child soldiers, Dr Wilhemina Jallah of the John F Kennedy Memorial Hospital in the capital, Monrovia, points to the hundreds of women waiting for treatment in the hospital’s steamy outpatient clinic. “The majority of women who come in to give birth have malaria, many have terrible injuries which makes childbirth dangerous, there is no transport to health centres in rural areas and we don’t have enough drugs,” she said. “Although they are needed, mental health services are not our priority.”

Many fear the country’s fragile peace now hangs in the balance after Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its final report last week, recommending that the current president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, and other key political figures face sanctions for their role in the civil war.

The report recommended that the popular Johnson-Sirleaf be banned from holding public office for 30 years for her role in financing Taylor’s invasion in 1989. Testifying before the commission earlier this year, Johnson-Sirleaf apologised for her support of Taylor, saying that she had been “fooled” into it.

“If there is anything that I need to apologise for to this nation, it is to apologise for being fooled by Mr Taylor in giving any kind of support to him,” the president told the commission. “I feel it in my conscience. I feel it every day.”

The commission, which was launched by Johnson-Sirleaf herself after she was elected in 2005, heard testimonies from thousands of victims in an effort to move the country towards reconciliation before launching its final report. Several of the former warlords who are recommended for prosecution by the commission, many of whom now hold public office, have already pledged to oppose any attempt to bring them to justice, sparking fears of a return to violence.

In Monrovia, many Liberians say their desire for peace outweighs their need for justice. “We just want to forget the war and move on; we don’t want a return to violence: we want peace and jobs,” said Charles Muyan, who drives a taxi downtown. “We don’t want this whole thing brought up again.”

But in Lofa, hundreds of miles away, there is no indication that life will get any better for the thousands of former child soldiers struggling to survive. “I think about my father and my brother every day and my sister who I haven’t seen since she was taken by rebels,” said Gloria. “When I close my eyes, all I can see is the war. I often think about taking my own life. It would have been better if I’d died in the war, but I am still alive and I hope one day something will be different and I will be a good person.”

The burden of being a “rebel child” has proved too much for some. Two months ago, Mardy Samuka’s body was found swinging from the roof of the bullet-scarred church near the village of Foya in Lofa – another, belated victim of Taylor’s terrifying reign.

Samuka’s aunt, Moidee, wept as she talked of the desperation her nephew felt. Crippled when a stray bullet lodged in his leg during fighting around the village in 2001, it was what happened to him after the war that drove the 19-year-old to put the noose around his neck, she said.

“I tell people that he was never a soldier, that he never did any of those terrible things that the children did to this village, but any child missing a limb is known as a former soldier here,” she said.

“He carried that stigma, we all did; his life could come to nothing. There was nobody to help him.”

• Some of the names in this article have been changed to protect identities

Life and times of Charles Taylor

1948 Born Charles McArthur Ghankay Taylor to a Gola mother and American-Liberian father in Arthington, Liberia.

1972 Awarded degree at Bentley college, Massachusetts.

1980 Supports coup led by Samuel K Doe and given high-ranking position in Liberian government.

1983 Faces charges of embezzling $922,000 and flees Liberia.

1984 Arrested on the run in Massachusetts and jailed.

1985 Rumoured to have sawed through prison bars to escape a US jail before leaving for Libya.

1989 Launches rebellion against Doe.

1990 Doe overthrown after months of fighting.

1991 Revolutionary United Front rebellion starts in Sierra Leone, allegedly backed by Taylor.

1995 Liberian factions sign peace deal

1997 Taylor elected president in landslide.

1999 Start of anti-Taylor rebellion by Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (Lurd).

2003 Special Court for Sierra Leone charges Taylor with crimes against humanity as Lurd takes control of most of the country.

2003 Taylor resigns and goes into exile in Nigeria.

2006 Taylor arrested in Nigeria and handed to the UN in Sierra Leone. The prosecution asks for the trial to be switched to The Hague.

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds


Unending agony for Liberia’s soldiers

Tomorrow Charles Taylor becomes the first African leader to appear in the dock at The Hague accused of crimes against humanity. In the bullet-scarred region of Lofa, in northern Liberia, Annie Kelly meets his former child soldiers, who were first traumatised by war, then abandoned by the state – and have now been cast out by their own families

Gloria Sherman was 13 years old when Charles Taylor’s soldiers came for her in 2001. Flushed from her hiding place in the bush outside her village in Lofa, northern Liberia, she was forced to watch as her father and brother were skinned alive. Then she was taken into a captivity lasting nearly two years: a conscript child soldier and a sexual slave in the former president’s army.

She is 18 now, but the memories are still raw. “We used to do bad, bad things that they told us to do,” she said last week. “Sometimes even if you were only 10 years old they would put guns and ammunition on your head to carry to the battle; you have to do what they said or they’d kill you. They killed many children, many girls. All the time many soldiers would have sex with you, every night they would come and have sex and beat you, and if you said no they would kill you or hit you with guns.”

Tomorrow Taylor will become the first African leader to be tried for crimes against humanity by the Special Court for Sierra Leone, sitting in The Hague. He faces 11 charges – including the deployment of child soldiers – relating to a decade-long civil war in the neighbouring state of Sierra Leone.

But it was in Liberia, as a rebel leader and then as president, that his juvenile bands of killers first began to roam in the 1990s, a military model that was then exported across the border.

Across the towns and villages of the north, countless atrocities took place and thousands of young lives were irredeemably brutalised. Nobody who managed to survive them has forgotten the days when Taylor was the power in the land.

During and after Taylor’s successful rebellion against the corrupt and violent government of Samuel Doe, his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) army controlled much of the country. The Small Boys Unit, made up of children under 11, was among his most feared rebel battalions, a regiment of innocent murderers.

When the rebel warlord was eventually elected president in 1997, one of his election campaign slogans was: “He killed my ma, he killed my pa, but I will vote for him.”

The Taylor presidency was savagely violent as constant insurgencies locked the country in a cycle of war until he was forced to resign in 2003. His son, the infamous Chucky Taylor, who ran Taylor’s paramilitary anti-terrorism security forces, was jailed by a US court for 97 years this year after it was found that, between 1999 and 2002, his “Demon Forces” squads had tortured to death scores of people accused of being anti-Taylor rebels.

By 2003, as Taylor lost control of large tracts of the country to the equally ruthless Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (Lurd) rebel force, backed by Guinea, some 15,000 children were fighting in Taylor’s government forces.

Defeated at last, Taylor resigned, went into exile in Nigeria and now faces life imprisonment if found guilty at The Hague. Meanwhile the children and adolescents who killed and suffered in his name have grown into a traumatised, desolate adulthood.

In Lofa county, where the child soldiers once rampaged, bullet-scarred buildings and burnt-out checkpoints still stand as monuments to the relentless fighting this province endured.

Rebel activity and government raids forced hundreds of thousands of civilians in Lofa to flee their homes and surge over the borders of Guinea and Sierra Leone, where they filled sprawling refugee camps until the peace in 2003. When they came back, they found Lofa in tatters, its infrastructure destroyed and villages burnt. Although the region is now peaceful and the land is once again lush, the scars of the war are everywhere.

Many villages in the region are little more than temporary shelters dotted with shattered buildings and burnt-out churches. Rows of tanks sit behind barbed wire as bored Bangladeshi peacekeeping soldiers sit fingering their rifles at lookout posts in United Nations encampments scattered throughout the area.

The vast majority of people here have no electricity and struggle to scrape a living from the land. As for the thousands of former child combatants who returned here after the war, they are now obliged to endure new horrors as they try to rebuild their lives.

Two years of systematic rape and beatings have left Gloria with jagged scars and internal injuries so severe that she has little chance of ever becoming a mother. When she managed to escape from her captors and make her way back to her village, she found that she was now an outcast.

Labelled a “rebel wife” and accused of collaborating in the violence inflicted on her village by drugged and ruthless soldiers during the war, she says that the only way she can survive is by having sex with men – NGO workers, government officials and businessmen – who often pay her in food, sanitary towels or soap.

“They say we are bad girls because of what we did in the war and what we do now,” Gloria said. “But they took me and I had no choice.”

The Observer talked to dozens of Taylor’s former child soldiers in Lofa who said that they have been abandoned by the state, ostracised by their families and forced into prostitution and crime in order to survive.

Elijah Kollie, a frail 19-year-old taken from his home by Taylor’s government troops in 2000, talked impassively of children’s stomachs being slit open in front of him and of the multiple rapes and murders he witnessed on the front line. “When I came back, I didn’t have anyone: everyone in my family was dead,” he said with a shrug.

He points to a patch of earth in the centre of the village where he said that Lurd rebels used to boil alive people they suspected of aiding Taylor’s government forces. “I still don’t know where to go because I can’t forget what happened. I feel angry because of what happened to me and now people here are causing many problems for us. I just wish my father was still here.”

A recent report by Plan, a leading international children’s organisation, said that the phenomenon of child soldier armies in conflicts across west Africa has left a devastating footprint of psychological trauma and spiralling suicide rates across the region.

Interviews conducted with child soldiers across Liberia for the report revealed that 60% of them had witnessed another child being beaten to death, 87% had seen a family member killed and 84% had found themselves “surrounded by, lying underneath or stepping on” dead bodies.

In Sierra Leone, Plan researchers deemed 70% of girls and 80% of boys interviewed for the report were at serious risk of suicide, with 30% of children interviewed having already attempted suicide on at least one occasion.

“The war broke the bonds between children and their parents and extended families. Those who fought as soldiers are now treated as pariahs and this stigma goes all the way up the chain from village level up to local and central government,” said Joseph Henah, a counsellor at one of Plan’s child soldier support programmes in Lofa.

“The situation that is faced by many of these children is desperate. The majority, if not all, of the girls are forced into transactional sex. Many are living alone, they are on drugs, they cannot go to school and this is the generation which is supposed to be leading our country out of poverty and into a better future.”

Child rights groups say that the plight of Liberia’s former child soldiers is going unheeded as the government struggles to provide even basic services to its 3.5 million people, 2.4 million of whom are surviving on less than $1 a day. As one of the world’s poorest countries – with only 50 government doctors and the eighth highest global maternal mortality rate – Liberia has no money to spend on the casualties of its shocking recent history.

When asked about why the government is failing to help former child soldiers, Dr Wilhemina Jallah of the John F Kennedy Memorial Hospital in the capital, Monrovia, points to the hundreds of women waiting for treatment in the hospital’s steamy outpatient clinic. “The majority of women who come in to give birth have malaria, many have terrible injuries which makes childbirth dangerous, there is no transport to health centres in rural areas and we don’t have enough drugs,” she said. “Although they are needed, mental health services are not our priority.”

Many fear the country’s fragile peace now hangs in the balance after Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its final report last week, recommending that the current president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, and other key political figures face sanctions for their role in the civil war.

The report recommended that the popular Johnson-Sirleaf be banned from holding public office for 30 years for her role in financing Taylor’s invasion in 1989. Testifying before the commission earlier this year, Johnson-Sirleaf apologised for her support of Taylor, saying that she had been “fooled” into it.

“If there is anything that I need to apologise for to this nation, it is to apologise for being fooled by Mr Taylor in giving any kind of support to him,” the president told the commission. “I feel it in my conscience. I feel it every day.”

The commission, which was launched by Johnson-Sirleaf herself after she was elected in 2005, heard testimonies from thousands of victims in an effort to move the country towards reconciliation before launching its final report. Several of the former warlords who are recommended for prosecution by the commission, many of whom now hold public office, have already pledged to oppose any attempt to bring them to justice, sparking fears of a return to violence.

In Monrovia, many Liberians say their desire for peace outweighs their need for justice. “We just want to forget the war and move on; we don’t want a return to violence: we want peace and jobs,” said Charles Muyan, who drives a taxi downtown. “We don’t want this whole thing brought up again.”

But in Lofa, hundreds of miles away, there is no indication that life will get any better for the thousands of former child soldiers struggling to survive. “I think about my father and my brother every day and my sister who I haven’t seen since she was taken by rebels,” said Gloria. “When I close my eyes, all I can see is the war. I often think about taking my own life. It would have been better if I’d died in the war, but I am still alive and I hope one day something will be different and I will be a good person.”

The burden of being a “rebel child” has proved too much for some. Two months ago, Mardy Samuka’s body was found swinging from the roof of the bullet-scarred church near the village of Foya in Lofa – another, belated victim of Taylor’s terrifying reign.

Samuka’s aunt, Moidee, wept as she talked of the desperation her nephew felt. Crippled when a stray bullet lodged in his leg during fighting around the village in 2001, it was what happened to him after the war that drove the 19-year-old to put the noose around his neck, she said.

“I tell people that he was never a soldier, that he never did any of those terrible things that the children did to this village, but any child missing a limb is known as a former soldier here,” she said.

“He carried that stigma, we all did; his life could come to nothing. There was nobody to help him.”

• Some of the names in this article have been changed to protect identities

Life and times of Charles Taylor

1948 Born Charles McArthur Ghankay Taylor to a Gola mother and American-Liberian father in Arthington, Liberia.

1972 Awarded degree at Bentley college, Massachusetts.

1980 Supports coup led by Samuel K Doe and given high-ranking position in Liberian government.

1983 Faces charges of embezzling $922,000 and flees Liberia.

1984 Arrested on the run in Massachusetts and jailed.

1985 Rumoured to have sawed through prison bars to escape a US jail before leaving for Libya.

1989 Launches rebellion against Doe.

1990 Doe overthrown after months of fighting.

1991 Revolutionary United Front rebellion starts in Sierra Leone, allegedly backed by Taylor.

1995 Liberian factions sign peace deal

1997 Taylor elected president in landslide.

1999 Start of anti-Taylor rebellion by Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (Lurd).

2003 Special Court for Sierra Leone charges Taylor with crimes against humanity as Lurd takes control of most of the country.

2003 Taylor resigns and goes into exile in Nigeria.

2006 Taylor arrested in Nigeria and handed to the UN in Sierra Leone. The prosecution asks for the trial to be switched to The Hague.

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Ex-KLA member arrested in Italy

Italian authorities have arrested an ethnic Albanian from Kosovo, charged in Serbia with war crimes committed in the province in 1999. The suspect, identified as Muharem Gasi, was a member of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

President, PM call for respect for victims

Boris Tadić stated that for the sake of the victims of Srebrenica but also other victims, those who committed war crimes must be in the Hague Tribunal. The president said on Saturday in Belgrade that Serbia is committed to cooperation with the tribunal and is doing everything to finalize it, not only because it is “our legal obligation”, but also “for our own sakes and the sake of reconciliation between peoples and a more prosperous life in the Balkans”.

Bosnian authorities ponder Glavaš investigation

The Bosnian prosecution is looking into whether Branimir Glavaš is linked to war crimes committed against Bosnian citizens, says a prosecution spokesman. “The aspect of possible war crimes again Bosnian citizens that Glavaš might be tied to is of interest to us, and we are looking into it,” said Boris Grubešić.

Jack Straw proposes new war crimes powers

Justice secretary aims to close gap in law to cover UK nationals and residents accused of war crimes dating back to 1991

New powers to prosecute war criminals living in Britain who have committed atrocities dating back to 1991 were unveiled today by the justice secretary, Jack Straw.

He proposes closing a gap in the law so that prosecutions can go ahead against British nationals and residents accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The changes will not cover people who are “passing through” or on a short visit. Straw said he was looking to see whether it was possible to provide more certainty over who may be considered a British resident.

He will seek to cover acts of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed after 1 January 1991, which is the date from which the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia is able to operate.

The existing law allows for war crimes and acts of genocide committed anywhere in the world since 2001 to be prosecuted in Britain if they have been carried out by a UK national or resident.

Straw’s decision that the new law should cover war crimes dating back to 1991 raises the prospect of possible prosecution of several Rwandan genocide suspects believed to be living in Britain.

Amnesty International voiced its “grave concern” three years ago over the government’s failure to take action against two men in Britain who the Guardian disclosed were among the top 100 wanted genocide suspects at large and living in Europe.

Both men were mayors of towns in southern Rwanda during the 1994 genocide and were accused by the Rwandan prosecutor general of organising the killings in their provinces. One was living in Bedford and the other in Essex.

The Aegis Trust, an anti-genocide group, believes there are at least 18 suspected war criminals living in Britain, from countries including Sri Lanka, Iraq and Sierra Leone.

Lord Carlile, the government’s official adviser on terrorism laws, has highlighted the legal loophole in the law on war crimes. He has tabled amendments to the coroners and justice bill demanding retrospective powers covering those who are simply present in Britain. His amendments are due to be debated in the House of Lords this afternoon.

Straw said he was strengthening the law to send a clear signal that Britain would no longer be a safe haven for those who commit such crimes.

“Those who have committed genocide or war crimes or crimes against humanity during the 1990s must not escape justice. These people must face up to their terrible crimes and we are doing everything in our power to make them accountable for their actions,” he said.

The minister said the government’s strong preference was for alleged war criminals to be brought to justice in the country where the crimes took place to allow the community that had suffered to see the perpetrators brought to justice. “Where this is not possible, we are committed to ensuring those guilty of these crimes are punished appropriately and to the full extent of the law in this country.”

Straw said he would bring detailed proposals to change the law by amending the coroners and justice bill when the Lords debates the legislation again in the autumn. But he warned that including genocide as an “extra-territorial offence” in British law was not a straightforward proposition and would require detailed discussions.

Ken Macdonald, the former director of public prosecutions, complained this week that the existing legal framework allowed the prosecution of visiting torturers and hostage-takers but not visiting war criminals and Rwandan genocidiares.

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The showbiz writer who went to war

Jane Bussmann used to pen facile interviews with Hollywood starlets. Then she decided to cover genocide in Africa. Why? She had a crush on a peace envoy, she tells Patrick Barkham

A comic novel about child soldiers is a difficult concept to grasp, particularly when it is written by a showbiz journalist based in Hollywood who travelled to Africa because she had a crush on an American peace negotiator. The Worst Date Ever, the true story of the last six years of Jane Bussmann’s life, is part romcom, part celebrity satire and part excoriating account of the failure to apprehend Joseph Kony, the Ugandan terrorist who has led his army of child soldiers on a 20-year campaign of hostage-taking, exploitation and murder in east Africa.

“I’m not laughing at sex slaves, I’m laughing at our excuses for not saving them,” says Bussmann, when we meet. A petite woman who looks like she could be Tracey Emin’s younger sister, she rattles out sentences peppered with expletives and dry one-liners. “It’s a book about me thinking I’ve got to change my life, with catastrophic consequences, and also the silliness of chasing a bloke you are never in a million years going to cop off with.” She calls it method writing: “You get way funnier shit in real life than you ever do in fiction.”

Bussmann became a showbiz journalist by accident. She grew up in Muswell Hill, north London, wanting to be a physicist. “Space travel seemed awesome and I remember Look and Learn books where we all wore jumpsuits to work,” she says. The future appeared perfect: “I could be really fat and wear a jumpsuit and live off pills. What could I do in this world of jumpsuits and pills? I’d probably just work on time travel. But that didn’t materialise due to the enormous quantities of booze I consumed after 16.”

Physics was supplanted by rebellion and the only A-level Bussmann picked up was in art. She was then inspired to write sitcoms by meeting Johnny Speight, the screenwriter who created Alf Garnett, when her journalist father interviewed him for the Guardian. For a decade, she scratched around the alternative comedy scene, writing for The Day Today, Brass Eye and So Graham Norton and creating a flurry of edgy sitcom ideas – about two rabbits being drafted into war and chainsmoking mums – which tended not to get made.

After moving to Hollywood to pursue her screenwriting career, she was forced to write about celebrities for women’s magazines to pay her bills. With her love of, as she puts it, booze, blasphemy and bad-taste jokes, she was spectacularly ill-suited to LA. “I can never make up my mind if LA is a really bitchy girls’ public school in which everyone is foul to each other all day long and constantly on a diet, or Jane Austen’s England where you can make a terrible social faux pas at any time but with longer life expectancy so this shit goes on for 70 years instead of 40,” she says.

It was the George Bush boom years and California was basking in “the golden age of stupid”. She would arrange an interview with Britney Spears, her entourage would cancel it, and Bussmann would have to concoct a story about how grounded and healthy Spears was when she was actually, at that time, a chaotic mess. The only good celebrities she met were Dolly Parton (“When you talk to her, you believe everything is going to be all right,” says Bussmann. “You just want to sit on her knee and your eyes are being sucked down into this valley of tits”) and Marilyn Manson (“You swoon when you interview him because he’s so gracious and funny”).

So she loyally lied about her celebrity subjects, indulging their opinions on chihuahuas and religion, until she interviewed Ashton Kutcher around the time he got together with Demi Moore. The interview was published with fictional quotes inserted by an editor, Kutcher and his lawyers went nuclear and Bussmann, who denied inventing the quotes, figured that now that she was hated by both her celebrity subjects and her journalist paymasters, she had better escape.

When she spotted a picture of John Prendergast, a US conflict negotiator who specialised in African affairs and sought to help end the conflict in Uganda, she fantasised about a route out. Prendergast “wasn’t just hot; he was wise,” she wrote. She fancied him, and as her “only job skill was turning people into celebrities” she decided to travel to Uganda to meet Prendergast and write a profile of him as the pin-up boy of peace, the George Clooney of conflict resolution.

She blagged a commission from the Sunday Times and travelled to a remote town in Uganda, only to find that Prendergast had dashed off again. Funny, excruciating and utterly exhausting, her book tells of her desperate blundering around Uganda, being spied on and befriended, and her gradual discovery of the evil surrounding Kony and his Lord’s Resistance Army.

She has a keen eye for detail, from the marbled-wash jeans on sale in the markets to the “purposeful white people dotted everywhere” who drive self-important white Toyotas with UNHCR or UNESCO on the side, “the international acronyms for don’t shoot”, and her experiences expose some uncomfortable parallels between celebrity journalism and the life of a foreign correspondent. In both Uganda and Hollywood, people in power try to bludgeon journalists into accepting their twisted versions of the truth. In both worlds, Bussmann has her reality tested daily by bullies.

Her self-deprecating descriptions of her cluelessness might, however, suggest that any idiot can become a foreign correspondent. Can anyone really pitch up overseas and uncover complex stories of violence and corruption? “A real reporter could have done it in slightly less than six years and maybe covered another couple of wars in the meantime. They could have also done it without dropping Biros on the floor with your shirt undone and whatever desperate tricks I used to get close up to colonels,” she says.

She was spurred on by guilt, because when she met children in camps who had been rescued from Kony’s army, she “very foolishly” promised them she would help, “something a real reporter would never do in a million years”, she says.

While the camps of terrified and disorientated Ugandans displaced by the fighting in the north of their country are emptying today, Kony is still a wanted man, holed up in a remote corner of the Democratic Republic of Congo and continuing to commit atrocities with his army of young conscripts and hostages.

Between the one-liners, Bussmann argues that Kony is the “perfect villain” who helped his opponents in the Ugandan government attract foreign aid while some in the army enriched themselves. “The fact that an army of 40,000 couldn’t catch one man and a bunch of kids, who at the beginning just had machetes, is highly suspicious,” she says. “Look at the ghost soldiers. This is an army that according to the [Ugandan] government newspaper have up to 60% of soldiers in certain units missing because they never existed. Corrupt bosses were claiming salaries for soldiers who didn’t exist. I don’t know much about ghosts but I know they are fucking shit at catching child kidnappers. They are right up there with werewolves, they are unreliable and useless.”

Bussmann is scathing about ineffective international efforts to stop Kony and badly targeted aid money that has poured into Uganda. For many years the west assisted the country’s long-serving president, Yoweri Museveni, and elevated him into a golden boy “when for 10 years he’s had these people living in camps and hasn’t been able to catch this one guy for 20 years,” she says. “Look at Hillary Clinton’s [1998] comment, ‘There are no easy answers.’ One nun rescued 109 girls [from Kony] and the Ugandan army rescued one. There are some easy answers. The army is bent.”

Bussmann also aims her comic fury at many of the charities working in Uganda. She thinks they helped prop up a failing regime. Charities might point out that it is almost impossible to work in a country unless you are at least tolerated by the host government. It is easy for a maverick outsider to diagnose the ills; far harder to be a charity worker and cure them. “Look at the International Committee of the Red Cross. You can’t take the argument that you can’t piss off the people you are trying to work next to. The ICRC were aware of the death camps during the second world war but they didn’t speak up for that precise reason. You don’t work with these people: you call the cops.”

The charity projects that work, argues Bussmann, are “micro-financed”, accountable and transparent, and usually where small amounts of money are “given to women who need it and know what to do with it”. (One charity boss told her that 90% of women paid back loans whereas only 10% of men did.)

It would not be giving much away to say that Bussmann’s romantic quest – to bag Prendergast – ends in failure but she is actually quite coy about their meetings in her book. Did she ever seduce him? “We did go on a date. He might have been under the illusion it was an interview. I naively believed there was a moment when there was an ‘in’. Then I just looked at him and thought, you are so out of my league. He’s like Clooney, he belongs to the world so,” she sighs with jokey theatricality, “I let him go.” They met again last week at a conference in Washington. “He looked at me slightly differently when he saw me so I think he’s read the book. He looked slightly nervous.”

Before she wrote the book, Bussmann turned this extraordinary tale into a one-woman play, performing off Broadway and at the Edinburgh Festival. She has sold the film rights and is now working on the script. Given her contempt for Los Angeles, I am surprised when she says she is still living there. Why did she return? “Fuck knows.” Are there any good things about it? “The salads are huge. And old Hollywood – you feel you are surrounded by benevolent ghosts.”

Although she is planning to travel back to Africa to write a TV drama set in the Congo, she is still based in LA for her other work commitments. She is developing a sitcom and writing a book about her terrible dating experiences in California called Awful Nights. “I’ll do that and get the fuck out. I’m going to live in Nairobi. I’ve got it all planned.” Why Nairobi? Her answer is typical of Bussmann. “Lunatics. You don’t go a single day without an insane conversation”.

• The Worst Date Ever: War Crimes, Hollywood Heart-Throbs and Other Abominations is published by Macmillan at £12.99. Bussmann will be performing her show Bussmann’s Holiday at the Assembly Rooms, Edinburgh, from 24-30 August.

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