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Wary of change

Kosovo Serbs with banner reading Save Our Soul during a protest in the divided town of Mitrovica, 10 February 2009

By Paul Moss
Radio 4′s The World Tonight

Nikola shuffles his feet nervously, gazes around at the town where he has lived all his life, and tells me that he wants to leave.

Then he tells me he will not leave. Then he seems to change his mind and say that he will.

We are in Gracanica, a Serb enclave in the middle of Kosovo, surrounded on all sides by the majority Albanian-speaking population.

"Belgrade hasn’t done anything for the survival of Serbs in Kosovo"

Budmir Nicic

And Nikola, like most people you meet here, talks as if he is living under siege.

"There are threats from Kosovo Albanians, trying to kidnap people," he says.

"I don’t feel safe here. My mother has trouble with the neighbour – he’s Albanian. You don’t have the things here you need for a normal life."

‘Endangered’ community

The tables have certainly turned.

A Serbian woman works near a KFor vehicle in the predominantly-Serb village of Gracanica in Kosovo (16 February 2009)

During the late Slobodan Milosevic’s time as president of former Yugoslavia and, later, Serbia, ethnic Serbs in Kosovo were accused first of removing the rights of Kosovo’s Albanian-speaking population, and then of attempting to ethnically cleanse them from the province altogether.

But when Kosovo unilaterally declared independence last year, its Serb population found themselves a minority in the new country. Many, perhaps half, left their homes.

And now they have a new source of anxiety.

The Nato-led Kosovo Force (K-For) deployed to keep the peace in Kosovo has just announced it is reducing troop numbers from 14,000 down to 10,000.

It is a move that the Serbian Foreign Minister, Vuk Jeremic, warns will leave Serbs in Kosovo badly exposed.

"Today, in Europe, the Kosovo Serb community is probably among the most endangered," he says.

"When they move around, they feel they need to be accompanied by international security forces. It would be bad if the numbers were diminished."

"We don’t want to exclude any options. We need to come to the table and see what happens"

Vuk Jeremic
Serbian Foreign Minister

Vuk Jeremic (11 June 2009)

But despite Mr Jeremic’s protestations on behalf of Kosovo’s Serbs, he himself has made a diplomatic shift that could well leave them with even more worries.

Until now, the government in Belgrade has insisted that Kosovo is entirely and eternally a part of Serbia.

But speaking to the BBC’s World Tonight programme, Mr Jeremic proffered a new possibility of compromise.

He said he now wanted to negotiate with the Kosovan authorities, and promised that he would be "very flexible".

Asked explicitly if he might recognise Kosovo’s independence, perhaps in return for some of its land being returned to Serbia, Mr Jeremic once again refused to rule anything out.

"We don’t want to exclude any options," he said. "We need to come to the table and see what happens."

Abandonment fears

It may sound like a subtle shift of emphasis, but for many Serbs living in Kosovo, Mr Jeremic’s comments amount to nothing short of treachery.

"They play a game of ‘saving Kosovo’. They just say they love Kosovo because of their political careers," says Budmir Nicic, who lives in Caglavica, another Serb enclave within Kosovo.

"Because Serbs won’t accept Kosovo as their own state, this brings a lot of Albanians to view them as a threat to the state"

Agron Bajrami
Editor of Koha Ditore

Ethnic Albanians celebrate the anniversary of Kosovo's declaration of independence (17 February 2009)

"Belgrade hasn’t done anything for the survival of Serbs in Kosovo," he complains. "They just say things to win over voters in Serbia."

Mr Nicic’s scathing views reflect a common anxiety among Kosovo’s Serb population.

Fearful though they may be of their Albanian neighbours, Serbs here are often even more suspicious of the "motherland", to which they are supposedly loyal.

Many are convinced that Serbia will eventually abandon its claim on Kosovo, perhaps in order to curry favour with the European Union.

As far as Agron Bajrami is concerned, Kosovo’s Serbs have only one option.

The editor of Kosovo’s leading Albanian-language newspaper, Koha Ditore, Bajrami argues that Serbs living in Kosovo must accept the country’s independence, and make their peace with it.

"The majority of Albanians are willing to accept Serbs as part of this country," he says at his office in Pristina.

"But because Serbs won’t accept Kosovo as their own state, this brings a lot of Albanians to view them as a threat to the state."

Opening minds

That idea, that Serbs will be forced to integrate, was echoed by another Kosovo resident, who is herself an ethnic Serb.

"Nobody can live in isolation for ever"

Danijela

Danijela works for one of the country’s myriad international organisations.

And unlike most of her fellow Serbs, she travels regularly to the capital, Pristina, scoffing at the idea that she might be in danger of attack.

As far as Danijela is concerned, it is self-interest and, in particular, the lure of business that will eventually coax Serbs out of their ghetto and into a more integrated existence with their ethnic-Albanian neighbours.

"Nobody can live in isolation for ever," she insists. "To improve our living standards, Serbs will start trading more. And naturally, opening of the market is going to open the minds of people."

"We will stop thinking about ethnicities, stop dividing ourselves as we are divided now," she adds.

Danijela smiles slightly as her train of thought reaches its conclusion:

"It’s a time in the Balkans to think about the future," she says. "We can’t live in the past for ever."

Hear Paul Moss’s report from Kosovo onThe World Tonight.</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Call to speed up Karadzic trial

Radovan Karadzic

Judges in The Hague have asked prosecutors to find ways to speed up the forthcoming genocide trial of ex-Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.

They want the prosecution to reduce the charge sheet against the 64-year-old.

If the prosecution fails to do so, the war crimes court could do the job for them, an order from the judges says.

Mr Karadzic faces 11 charges. The prosecution currently intends to call some 500 witnesses, and estimates it will need 490 hours to examine them.

Mr Karadzic was arrested and brought to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) last year, after more than a decade in hiding.

Not guilty plea

The latest order, signed by Presiding Judge Iain Bonomy, asks prosecutors to propose ways "in which the scope of the trial may be reduced".

"Should the prosecution not provide assistance in identifying specific counts and/or crime sites or incidents… the Chamber may fix the crimes sites and/or incidents itself," it says.

THE INDICTMENT

  • Eleven counts of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and other atrocities
  • Charged over shelling Sarajevo during the city’s siege, in which some 12,000 civilians died
  • Allegedly organised the massacre of up to 8,000 Bosniak men and youths in Srebrenica
  • Targeted Bosniak and Croat political leaders, intellectuals and professionals
  • Unlawfully deported and transferred civilians because of national or religious identity
  • Destroyed homes, businesses and sacred sites

Crime sites, in this case, are the individual incidents that help to make up one or more of the 11 charges against Mr Karadzic.

The judges noted that the charges cover crimes that are alleged to have occurred in 27 municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Srebrenica and Sarajevo.

Mr Karadzic is accused of genocide over the massacre of up to 8,000 Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) at Srebrenica in 1995, and is also charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The court filed a not guilty plea on his behalf after he refused to offer a plea, saying the court lacked jurisdiction.

The ICTY was originally due to have finished all trials by 2008 and appeals by 2010.

The court now estimates that the Karadzic trial may not conclude until early 2012, with some appeals running into 2013.</p


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

Christopher Santora: Why The ICC Should Speak Out on Iran

Of the many criticisms levied against the international community’s efforts to promote accountability, perhaps the most pervasive critique is a rather simple one — the lack of consistency.

Identifying The Thousands Of ‘Jumbled Bones’ At Burr Oak Cemetery Nearly Impossible: Experts

CHICAGO — Human remains strewn amid overgrown weeds have deteriorated into jumbled bones. Paper records in a rusted metal cabinet have dissolved into dust.

Days after horrified relatives learned that former workers at a historic black c…

Opposition SNS denounces “all crimes”

The opposition Serb Progressives (SNS) say they condemn all crimes committed in the territory of former Yugoslavia “in the strongest terms”. “The SNS condemns in the strongest terms all crimes that took place in the territory of the former SFRJ [Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia] during the civil wars. And also, the greatest crime after the Second World War – the crime of murder and expulsion of several hundred thousand Krajina Serbs from Croatia,” said the party’s legal team member Nikola Selaković.

Freedom gig

By Mark Lowen
BBC News, Novi Sad, Serbia

Lily Allen on stage at Exit, 9 Jul 09

Step inside the imposing 17th-Century Petrovaradin Fortress in Novi Sad and you are greeted by a plastic yellow sign pointing left for Positive Vibration Reggae and right for Silent Disco.

For four days a year this peaceful idyll, perched high on the banks of the Danube, is transformed into a pulsating venue for southern Europe’s largest music festival: Exit.

For its 10th anniversary, this year’s show is bigger than ever.

Almost 200,000 fans are descending on this sleepy Serbian town, cheering wildly at the main stage for Lily Allen and the Arctic Monkeys, or bopping away to the beats of local bands in the quaintly-named HappyNoviSad or Cafe del Danube arenas.

Each country has a certain number of official tickets assigned to it, so as to maintain a balanced national mix.

Apricot rakija

But it is hard to escape the hordes of British music-lovers, tents in tow, queuing up at the local grocery store for the necessary alcohol to tide them through the long all-night performances.

Petrovaradin Fortress

"We have been really impressed by the Serbian people we’ve met," says Rob, offering me a swig of the apricot rakija liqueur he is sampling (which I politely refuse).

"I would probably never have come here had it not been for the festival. So it is a great way of experiencing a new culture."

As the bass booms across the dance arena, Belgrade student Jelena tells me she is never happier than at Exit.

"It’s so unique," she shouts, trying to beat the cacophony. "This shows the world that we Serbs are fun, welcoming, loving people. How better to sell modern Serbia to the world"

Anti-Milosevic origins

It is all a long way from the festival’s humble beginnings back in the year 2000.

Exit festival at night

Exit was born out of the street protests that accompanied the demise of the former Yugoslavia.

It was a spontaneous student uprising against the iron grip of then President Slobodan Milosevic.

The first event lasted 100 days, energising young people stifled under Milosevic’s rule and urging them to go out and vote in the forthcoming election.

The slogan was "Exit out of 10 years of madness" – a clear reference to the political ambition of the event.

Festival founder Bojan Boskovic says it was a radical departure when it began.

"There was no arena for cultural or social expression. We were intimidated by the authorities. We never thought it would be held again the following year.

"But now it represents the very best of youth culture, 10 years on, not only of Serbia but of the whole Balkans," he adds.

The festival has always retained its political edge. Previous years have promoted a relaxation of the visa restrictions for Serbs or fought for sexual equality. This year, the theme is "green guerrillas," raising the profile of environmental concerns.

Cobbled streets

"We have a balance between politics, social issues and music," says Bojan Boskovic. "We will never lose that."

The performers are conscious of the festival’s wider importance.

Nicky Wire, bassist with the UK band Manic Street Preachers, says Exit "gives you faith that music can be a symbol for change".

"That’s what this festival seems to be. It projects Serbia in a pretty amazing way. Exit has almost become an ambassador for Serbia," he told me. "It’s a different, deeper atmosphere to your usual festival. And that can only be a good thing."

Novi Sad

Away from the mud and hot dogs, the elegant Austro-Hungarian churches and cobbled streets of Novi Sad present a very different image.

Local residents are delighted that the festival has boosted the economy and brought tourists to a place not usually on their radar.

But Olivera Radovanovic, a former museum curator, says it is not all positive.

"The city authorities think the only cultural event in Novi Sad is Exit. It has a sort of monopoly over the budget.

"I am not happy that my taxes are spent on the rock festival. Local politicians must realise that there are other aspects to the cultural life of this city."

Some music fans are slumped in bright cushions in the Roots and Flowers area, a stone’s throw from the ancient Petrovaradin clock tower.

The scene is a stark contrast between old and new, between the rich historical heritage of this country and a young, edgy population, shedding its war-torn past and eager to forge a new vibrant identity for itself. Exit is at the very heart of that.


This article is from the BBC News website. © British Broadcasting Corporation, The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites.

NGOs call for Srebrenica remembrance day

A group of 100 NGOs has called on President Boris Tadić to support a motion to mark July 11 as a Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Srebrenica. NGO representatives gathered in Pioneer Park, near the Presidency, to read out a letter to Tadić, stating that acknowledgment of the victims of “the greatest crime of crimes“ should constitute the first step towards building a common remembrance encompassing all the victims of war crimes perpetrated in the former Yugoslavia.